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  • Title: Fair Use Repository: canonical citation for a webbed world
    Descriptive info: .. Fair Use Repository.. canonical citation for a webbed world.. The.. at.. fair-use.. org.. is an effort to allow for easy citation of documents online.. We compile, and (where necessary) transcribe electronic copies of (1) documents in the public domain, and (2) the portions of documents cited in fair use by participating researchers.. We are working to make citation easy for human researchers and readers to use, and to encourage, by example, best practices in using semantic.. HTML.. to mark up the passages of printed documents that we transcribe.. Please feel free to.. contact us.. with any questions that you may have about Fair Use Repository or the citation resources that we offer.. Search:.. Index of Names.. Aldred, Guy.. That Economic Army.. :.. Guy A.. Aldred.. , in.. Mother Earth.. IX.. 9 (November, 1914).. 287 295.. Bailie, William.. Problems of Anarchism Introduction.. § 1.. Society and Individual Liberty.. , by William Bailie, in.. Liberty.. Vol.. No.. 19, Whole No.. 253 (January 7, 1893).. 1.. § 2.. Economic Development Prior to Capitalism.. 20, Whole No.. 254 (January 14, 1893).. § 3.. Political Authority and Personal Freedom.. 21, Whole No.. 255 (January 21, 1893).. § 4.. Progress and Individual Conduct.. , Vol.. 22, Whole No.. 256 (January 28, 1893).. § 5.. Economic Liberty under Modern Conditions.. 24, Whole No.. 257 (February 4, 1893).. 1, 3.. § 6.. Liberty and Its Law.. 258 (February 11, 1893).. Problems of Anarchism Property.. Life, Liberty, and Property.. by William Bailie, in.. 25, Whole No.. 259 (February 18, 1893).. Wherein Property is Subversive of Liberty and § 3.. Communists and Property.. 26, Whole No.. 260 (February 25, 1893).. 1-3.. Economic Fallacies vs.. Property.. 27, Whole No.. 261 (March 4, 1893).. Socialists and the Social Organism.. 28, Whole No.. 262 (March 11, 1893).. True Individualism Means Economic Freedom.. 29, Whole No.. 263 (March 18, 1893).. § 7.. Collectivism.. The Facts Speak.. 30, Whole No.. 264 (March 25, 1893).. The Facts Speak (continued).. 31, Whole No.. 265 (April 1, 1893).. § 8.. How Collectivist Ideas Survive.. 32, Whole No.. 266 (April 8, 1893).. § 9.. On the Method of Investigation.. 33, Whole No.. 267 (April 15, 1893).. Problems of Anarchism Labor.. The Meaning of the Labor Question.. 37, Whole No.. 271 (May 13, 1893).. On the Law of Labor and How to Discover It.. 38, Whole No.. 272 (May 20, 1893).. The True Function of Competition.. 42, Whole No.. 276 (June 17, 1893).. Limitations of the Effect of Competition on Wages.. 45, Whole No.. 279 (August, 1893).. Ireland s Need of a Free Currency.. 4, Whole No.. 238 (September 24, 1892).. 2.. Compulsory Education and Anarchism.. Instead Of A Book, By A Man Too Busy To Write One.. (1893/1897).. Reprinted from.. , September 3, 1892.. Bain, Alexander.. The Early Life of James Mill.. , by.. A.. Bain.. Mind.. 1, No.. 1 (January 1876).. , 97 116.. Herbert Spencer's.. Principles of Sociology.. : reviewed by.. , 128 131.. Notes: Professor Bain.. : obituary by.. William L.. Davidson.. for.. , N.. S.. 13, No.. 49 (Jan.. 1904).. 151 155.. Ball, Samuel W.. Industrial Socialism in Italy.. Samuel W.. Ball.. The Glass Worker.. 10, No.. 114 (March, 1913).. 1-2.. For Proletarian Party.. , letter to the editor of.. The New Republic.. (December 16, 1916).. Ballou, A.. L.. A Retrospect.. Ballou.. III, No.. 1 (April 19, 1890).. 3.. Bosanquet, Bernard.. Critical Notices: Bertrand Russell's.. The Problems of Philosophy.. Bernard Bosanquet.. 21, No.. 84 (October 1912).. 556 564.. Bradley, F.. H.. On the supposed Uselessness of the Soul.. F.. Bradley.. 4, No.. 14 (April, 1895).. 176-179.. In what sense are Psychical States extended?.. 225-235.. Berkman, Alexander.. In Reply to Kropotkin.. : by.. Alexander Berkman.. 280 282.. Review of Alexander Berkman's.. Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist.. Bayard Boyesen.. VII.. , No.. 12 (February, 1913).. 422-424.. Born, Helena.. Individualism versus Organization,.. in.. Free Society.. 30, Whole No.. 372 (July 27, 1902).. 6–7.. Bourne, Randolph.. The State.. (1918).. Law and Order.. (1912), in.. Masses.. (March 1912).. The Price of Radicalism.. (review: Seymour Deming,.. The Pillar of Fire.. ): reviewed by.. Randolph Bourne.. (March 11, 1916).. 161.. What is Exploitation?.. (1916), in.. (November 4, 1916).. 12 14.. Mencken.. (1917), in.. (November 24, 1917).. 102 103.. The War and the Intellectuals.. Seven Arts.. II (June 1917), 133 146.. Below the Battle.. II, July, 1917.. 270 277.. A War Diary.. II (September, 1917).. 535 547.. obituary (1919), by.. Floyd Dell.. (January 4, 1919).. 276.. Boyesen, Bayard.. Breckenridge, Harry.. The Persecution of Margaret Sanger.. Harry Breckenridge.. 296 297.. Carle, Erica.. Columbus Day 1892.. Erica Carle.. Rampart Journal of Individualist Thought.. 3 (Fall, 1965), 1-8.. Carroll, Lewis.. A Logical Paradox.. Lewis Carroll.. , New Series, Vol.. 3, No.. 11 (July 1894), 436-438.. What the Tortoise said to Achilles.. 14 (April 1895).. 278-280.. Cisler, Lucinda.. Abortion law repeal (sort of): a warning to women.. Lucinda Cisler.. (1969).. Dell, Floyd.. (1919-01-04).. Deming, Seymour.. ): review by.. French, W.. E.. P.. Corporation Commandments.. W.. French.. Wilshire's.. XIV No.. 9 (September 1910).. 11.. Garrison, William Lloyd.. District of Columbia.. William Lloyd Garrison.. The Liberator.. (1831-01-01).. To-day.. Our Appeal.. To Our Free Colored Brethren.. Walker s Pamphlet.. Working Men.. (1831-01-08).. Truisms.. Walker s Appeal.. Removal to Texas.. (1831-01-22).. The Insurrection.. (1831-09-03).. Guilt of New-England.. (1832-01-07).. The Great Crisis!.. (1832-12-29).. Declaration of the National Anti-Slavery Convention.. (1833-12-14).. Declaration of Sentiments Adopted by the Peace Convention.. (1838-09-28).. Abolition at the Ballot Box.. (1839-06-28).. Address to the Slaves of the United States.. (1843-06-02).. The American Union.. (1845-01-10).. American Colorphobia.. (1847-06-11).. The Death of President Polk.. (1849-06-22).. John C.. Calhoun, Daniel Webster, and the Compromise of 1850.. (1850-03-15).. Women s Rights.. by.. (1853-10-28).. Uncle Tom s Cabin.. Reconsidered.. (1853-12-23).. Disunion.. (1855-06-15).. Infidelity.. of Abolitionism.. (1855-12-21).. Southern Degradation.. (1856-09-19).. Dred Scott and Disunion.. (1858-03-12).. Depravity of the American Press.. (1858-09-17).. The Tragedy at Harper's Ferry.. (1859-10-28).. Antislavery Progress.. (1860-11-09).. Southern Desperation.. (1860-11-16).. Why a Prolonged War.. (1863-01-30).. Defense of Lincoln.. (1864-05-20).. The Late Presidential Struggle.. (1864-11-18).. The Death of Slavery.. (1865-02-10).. Valedictory: The Last Number of.. (1865-12-29).. Geach, Peter T.. Good and Evil.. Peter T.. Geach.. Analysis.. (1956), 32 42.. Goldman, Emma.. The New Year.. , by Emma Goldman, in.. VI.. 11 (January, 1912).. 322 324.. Syndicalism: Its Theory and Practice (concluded).. 417 422.. Green, T.. Prolegomena to Ethics.. T.. Green.. (1884).. Gupta, S.. N.. The Nature of Inference in Hindu Logic.. S.. Gupta.. 159-175.. Hardie, J.. Keir.. Manifesto to the British People.. (1 August 1914).. Henderson, Arthur.. Horr, Alexander.. Rights in the Land,.. by Alexander Horr, in.. XII.. 3, Whole No.. 341 (June 13, 1896).. 6.. Systems of Land Tenure,.. 6-7.. Jacks, L.. The Peacefulness of Being at War.. Jacks.. (September 11, 1915).. 154 156.. James, C.. A Shadow in the Path.. : C.. James and A.. Kelly,.. (June 28, 1884).. The Order of Progress.. , by C.. James, in.. III.. 19 (December 12, 1885).. A Plea for Parson Malthus.. IV.. 6 (July 17, 1886).. 7.. Malthus's.. Main Principle.. 8 (August 21, 1886).. Economy as Viewed by an Anarchist.. (Continuation), by C.. VI, No.. 348-352.. Review of C.. James's.. History of the French Revolution.. : reviewed by the.. New York Times.. (April 25, 1903).. An Introduction to the Book of James.. , review of C.. Vindication of Anarchism.. : reviewed by Steven T.. Byington, in.. (November, 1903).. 4-5.. C.. James.. (obituary): by Voltairine de Cleyre, in.. 5 (July, 1911), 142-144.. A Reminiscence of Charlie James.. (obituary): by Honoré J.. Jaxon, in.. 5 (July, 1911), 144-146.. James, William.. The Meaning of Truth.. William James.. (1909).. Preface.. The Relation Between Knower and Known.. Essays in Radical Empiricism.. (1912).. Editor's Preface.. Ralph Barton Perry.. Does Consciousness Exist?.. A World of Pure Experience.. Johnson, Charles W.. Non-Participation.. Charles W.. Johnson.. 3 No.. 1 (Spring 1967).. 27 32.. Medical Political Protection.. IV, No.. 3 (Fall 1968).. 87 88.. Johnson, Theodor.. Help Save These Comrades!.. Theodor Johnson.. 412-414.. Kelly, A.. Anarchy in Alaska.. , by A.. Kelly, in.. II.. 16 (May 17, 1884).. The Cause of Crime.. , by F.. R.. B.. and A.. 17 (May 31, 1884).. Kelly, Gertrude B.. Mr.. Walker's Neo-Nonsense.. , by Gertrude B.. 4 (June 19, 1886).. 8.. Wanted, A Malthusian Who has Read Malthus.. 7-8.. Waiting for Proof.. Bourgeois Charity.. The Alarm.. (New Series) I.. 2 (November 19, 1887).. Kelly, Harry.. A Review of the Year.. Harry Kelly.. 11 (January, 1912).. 331 334.. Kropotkin, Peter.. Kropotkin on the Present War.. Peter Kropotkin.. 273 280.. Wars and Capitalism (Chapter I).. 283  ...   10 (March 10, 1832).. 11 (March 17, 1832).. 12 (March 24, 1832).. 13 (March 31, 1832).. 14 (April 7, 1832).. 15 (April 14, 1832).. 16 (April 21, 1832).. 17 (April 28, 1832).. 18 (May 5, 1832).. 19 (May 12, 1832).. 20 (May 19, 1832).. 21 (May 26, 1832).. 22 (June 2, 1832).. 23 (June 9, 1832).. 24 (June 16, 1832).. 25 (June 23, 1832).. 26 (June 30, 1832).. 27 (July 7, 1832).. 28 (July 14, 1832).. 29 (July 21, 1832).. 30 (July 28, 1832).. 31 (August 4, 1832).. 32 (August 11, 1832).. 33 (August 18, 1832).. 34 (August 25, 1832).. 35 (September 1, 1832).. 36 (September 8, 1832).. 37 (September 15, 1832).. 38 (September 22, 1832).. 39 (September 29, 1832).. 40 (October 6, 1832).. 41 (October 13, 1832).. 42 (October 20, 1832).. 43 (October 27, 1832).. 44 (November 3, 1832).. 45 (November 10, 1832).. 46 (November 17, 1832).. 47 (November 24, 1832).. 48 (December 1, 1832).. 49 (December 8, 1832).. 50 (December 15, 1832).. 51 (December 22, 1832).. 52 (December 29, 1832).. Nullification.. , from Boston newspapers.. A Hint for Wild Colonizationists.. : by Sir Walter Scott.. 1 (January 5, 1833).. 2 (January 12, 1833).. 3 (January 19, 1833).. 4 (January 26, 1833).. 5 (February 2, 1833).. 6 (February 9, 1833).. 7 (February 16, 1833).. 8 (February 23, 1833).. 9 (March 2, 1833).. 10 (March 9, 1833).. 11 (March 16, 1833).. 12 (March 23, 1833).. 13 (March 30, 1833).. 14 (April 6, 1833).. 15 (April 13, 1833).. 16 (April 20, 1833).. 17 (April 27, 1833).. 18 (May 4, 1833).. 19 (May 11, 1833).. 20 (May 18, 1833).. 21 (May 25, 1833).. 22 (June 1, 1833).. 23 (June 8, 1833).. 24 (June 15, 1833).. 25 (June 22, 1833).. 26 (June 29, 1833).. 27 (July 6, 1833).. 28 (July 13, 1833).. 29 (July 20, 1833).. 30 (July 27, 1833).. 31 (August 3, 1833).. 32 (August 10, 1833).. 33 (August 17, 1833).. 34 (August 24, 1833).. 35 (August 31, 1833).. 36 (September 7, 1833).. 37 (September 14, 1833).. 38 (September 21, 1833).. 39 (September 28, 1833).. 40 (October 5, 1833).. 41 (October 12, 1833).. 42 (October 19, 1833).. 43 (October 26, 1833).. 44 (November 2, 1833).. 45 (November 9, 1833).. 46 (November 16, 1833).. 47 (November 23, 1833).. 48 (November 30, 1833).. 49 (December 7, 1833).. 50 (December 14, 1833).. 51 (December 21, 1833).. 52 (December 28, 1833).. 1 (January 4, 1834).. The Liberator 04 01 Masthead.. 2 (January 11, 1834).. 3 (January 18, 1834).. 4 (January 25, 1834).. 5 (February 1, 1834).. 6 (February 8, 1834).. 7 (February 15, 1834).. 8 (February 22, 1834).. 9 (March 1, 1834).. 10 (March 8, 1834).. 11 (March 15, 1834).. 12 (March 22, 1834).. 13 (March 29, 1834).. 14 (April 5, 1834).. 15 (April 12, 1834).. 16 (April 19, 1834).. 17 (April 26, 1834).. 18 (May 3, 1834).. 19 (May 10, 1834).. 20 (May 17, 1834).. 21 (May 24, 1834).. 22 (May 31, 1834).. 23 (June 7, 1834).. 24 (June 14, 1834).. 25 (June 21, 1834).. 26 (June 28, 1834).. 27 (July 5, 1834).. 28 (July 12, 1834).. 29 (July 19, 1834).. 30 (July 26, 1834).. 31 (August 2, 1834).. 32 (August 9, 1834).. 33 (August 16, 1834).. 34 (August 23, 1834).. 35 (August 30, 1834).. 36 (September 6, 1834).. 37 (September 13, 1834).. 38 (September 20, 1834).. 39 (September 27, 1834).. 40 (October 4, 1834).. 41 (October 11, 1834).. 42 (October 18, 1834).. 43 (October 25, 1834).. 44 (November 1, 1834).. 45 (November 8, 1834).. 46 (November 15, 1834).. 47 (November 22, 1834).. 48 (November 29, 1834).. 49 (December 6, 1834).. 50 (December 13, 1834).. 51 (December 20, 1834).. 52 (December 27, 1834).. 1 (January 3, 1835).. 2 (January 10, 1835).. 3 (January 17, 1835).. 4 (January 24, 1835).. 5 (January 31, 1835).. 6 (February 7, 1835).. 7 (February 14, 1835).. 8 (February 21, 1835).. 9 (February 28, 1835).. 10 (March 7, 1835).. 11 (March 14, 1835).. 12 (March 21, 1835).. 13 (March 28, 1835).. 14 (April 4, 1835).. 15 (April 11, 1835).. 16 (April 18, 1835).. 17 (April 25, 1835).. 18 (May 2, 1835).. 19 (May 9, 1835).. 20 (May 16, 1835).. 21 (May 23, 1835).. 22 (May 30, 1835).. 23 (June 6, 1835).. 24 (June 13, 1835).. 25 (June 20, 1835).. 26 (June 27, 1835).. 27 (July 4, 1835).. 28 (July 11, 1835).. 29 (July 18, 1835).. 30 (July 25, 1835).. 31 (August 1, 1835).. 32 (August 8, 1835).. 33 (August 15, 1835).. 34 (August 22, 1835).. 35 (August 29, 1835).. 36 (September 5, 1835).. 37 (September 12, 1835).. 38 (September 19, 1835).. 39 (September 26, 1835).. 40 (October 3, 1835).. 41 (October 10, 1835).. 42 (October 17, 1835).. 43 (October 24, 1835).. 44 (October 31, 1835).. 45 (November 7, 1835).. 46 (November 14, 1835).. 47 (November 21, 1835).. 48 (November 28, 1835).. 49 (December 5, 1835).. 50 (December 12, 1835).. 51 (December 19, 1835).. 52 (December 26, 1835).. September 28, 1838.. June 28, 1839.. June 2, 1843.. January 10, 1845.. June 11, 1847.. June 22, 1849.. March 15, 1850.. October 28, 1853.. December 23, 1853.. XXV, No.. 1 (January 5, 1855).. 2 (January 12, 1855).. 22 (June 1, 1855).. 24 (June 15, 1855).. On the Dissolution of the Union.. December 21, 1855.. September 19, 1856.. March 12, 1858.. September 17, 1858.. October 28, 1859.. November 9, 1860.. November 16, 1860.. January 30, 1863.. May 20, 1864.. November 18, 1864.. February 10, 1865.. December 29, 1865.. Le Libertaire.. [.. The Libertarian.. ].. , April 1859.. Down with the Bosses!.. Joseph Déjacque.. (April 1859).. Trans.. (May 17, 1884).. (May 31, 1884).. (December 12, 1885).. (June 19, 1886).. (February 2, 1889).. (April 19, 1890).. (July 12, 1890).. Here I Draw the Line,.. by Benjamin Tucker, in.. (February 18, 1893).. On Picket Duty,.. (February 23, 1895).. Spencerian Ethics and the Land,.. by Benjamin Tucker in.. (July 13, 1895).. Another Case of Doubting Politician,.. by Rachelle Slobo-Yarros, in.. 7 8.. The Old Testament and the New Woman,.. from.. Cycling.. , reprinted in.. (March 7, 1896).. (June 13, 1896).. (July 11, 1896).. (July, 1897).. (September, 1903).. , March 1912.. Mind: A Quarterly Review of Psychology and Philosophy.. :.. Philosophy and Science, I.. Shadworth H.. Hodgson.. 67 81.. Philosophy at Oxford.. Mark Pattison.. 82 97.. Alexander Bain.. 97 116.. Critical Notices:.. Brentano's.. Empirische Psychologie.. , reviewed by.. Flint.. 116 122.. Lussana's.. Fisiologia dei Centri Nervosi Encefalici.. Lewes.. 122 125.. Hughling Jackson's.. Researches on the Nervous System.. 125 127.. 128 131.. Cairnes's.. Logical Method of Political Economy.. 131 132.. Reports:.. Physiological Journals.. John G.. McKendrick.. 132 135.. German Philosophical Journals.. Robert Flint.. 136 143.. Psychology in Holland.. Thomas M.. Lindsay.. 144 145.. Notes:.. Sense of Doubleness with Crossed Fingers.. 145 146.. Lewes on the Postulates of Experience.. 146.. Logic and the Elements of Geometry.. 147-150.. New Books.. Coupland.. 150 156.. News.. , unsigned.. 156.. 11 (July 1894).. Transcription is still incomplete:.. On supposed Uselessness of the Soul.. Reality and Causation (II).. Carlile.. Philosophical Periodicals.. (unsigned).. 30 (April, 1899).. 176 193.. 48 (Oct.. , 1903).. , 1904).. 84 (Oct.. , 1912).. Blaming the Fester.. , by Rebekah E.. Raney.. 321-322.. , by Emma Goldman.. Observations and Comments.. , 324 329.. Paul Orleneff.. , 329-330.. The Right to Live.. 341 343.. The Autobiography of Richard Wagner.. Baginski.. 343-348.. To Our Friends.. 395 396.. 397-403.. The Black Hundreds of Plutocracy and Government.. James Montgomery.. 403-409.. Making a Strike a Crime.. 414 415.. Intolerance in the Unions.. 415-417.. Prison Memoirs.. 9 (November, 1914).. Black Friday of 1887.. 298 302.. My Lecture Tour.. 302 303.. Emma Goldman Dates.. Emma Goldman.. 303 304.. , September 11, 1915.. , March 11, 1916.. , November 4, 1916.. , November 24, 1917.. , January 4, 1919.. New York Daily Tribune.. June 24, 1859.. Some Facts That Should Come to Light.. Letter from.. A Citizen.. 3 (Fall, 1965):.. , 1 8.. , 30 49.. 2, No.. 2 (Summer 1966):.. , 1 18.. Let's Call It Anarchy.. : by Robert E.. Gaskins, Jr.. , Leanna J.. Koehn, and Richard H.. Gaskins, 78 82.. , 83 88.. 1 (Spring 1967):.. , 27 32.. , 87 88.. II: June, 1917.. , 133 146.. II: September, 1917.. , 535 547.. IX (September, 1910).. Home.. Margins Wiki.. Contact us.. Donate.. News/Updates.. Blog.. @fairuseorg on Twitter.. Have you found this online edition useful and enjoyable?.. Then please remember that.. donations.. keep the Fair Use Repository running.. You can support our work using Flattr or PayPal..

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  • Title: That Economic Army (1914). By Guy A. Aldred in MOTHER EARTH IX.9 (1914-11) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: All armies are recruited on their stomach, from that of.. Salvation.. to that of.. Kitchener.. This fact explains many anomalies in connection with the present war.. Faced with.. the bullet.. from his job, the average worker turns to face the bullet on the battlefield.. Our masters are not ignorant of this fact.. Large firms have discharged their male employees between the ages of eighteen and thirty, with a view to compelling them to enlist.. Lord Derby.. has dismissed from his stables every unmarried man who has refused to enlist.. Other employers have circularized their staff as to the causes and consequences of the war.. This document promises immense trade and much employment in the event of Germany being crushed.. It threatens loss of both should the Kaiser prove victorious.. Urges every able-bodied man to take up arms, and demands to know what the staff individually is going to do about it.. The London breweries called upon unmarried men in their employ to join the army immediately, or take a week s notice.. Lastly, the Local Government Board advised the local distress committees to grant no relief to single men, within the prescribed ages, and physically fit for enlistment.. This is how a worker has been, and is recruited.. Poverty made.. Charles Bradlaugh.. a Dragoon.. It is making lesser men into Kitchener s conscripts.. The conditions of life among British workers,.. said the.. Railway Review.. for December 13, 1912,.. precludes them from taking any interest in their country.. Their whole time is spend in making sufficient money to keep them alive.. Millions of their number exist on the abyss of pauperism.. During this exceptional prosperous year, there has never been less than 300,000 men and women out of work.. In bad times the number is increased to a million or more.. Men, women and children, too, to our eternal shame, are sweated nearly to death in heated factories for wages which do not provide them with a sufficient quantity of the necessities of life, luxuries they dare not dream about.. Under our present industrial system, workers lives are wasted as recklessly as ever they are wasted on the field of battle.. A shunter on the railway runs thirteen times more risk than a soldier did in the.. South African Campaign.. In 1911, there were 4,306 workmen killed, and 167,650 injured; ponder on these figures, and then try to imagine what the average workman, who daily runs the risk of losing his life or limbs, must think, when he is asked to vote for compulsory service, so that he may repel a foreign enemy.. To-day he does not need to vote for conscription.. He enjoys it without the vote.. Hunger has compelled him to rally to the flag.. On the battlefields of France, he may ponder how little political power a wage-slave possesses.. He may reflect how the economic drive has impelled the recruiting agents to their task.. We are thinking, in this connection, of the following Labor M.. s:.. Will Crooks.. ,.. Will Thorne.. Barnes.. , and.. Arthur Henderson.. These worthies represent the Labor Party on the Parliamentary Recruiting Committee, and are appearing, up and down the country, on the same platforms as.. Earl Curzon.. , the.. Marquis of Lincolnshire.. J.. Remnant.. , M.. P.. ,.. MacKinnon Wood.. Winston Churchill.. Smith.. Wilde.. Masterman.. , etc.. All tried and trusted friends of labor!.. On the eve of the war,.. Henderson.. issued, in conjunction with.. Keir Hardie.. , on behalf of the British Section of the.. International Socialist Bureau.. , a.. manifesto against the conflict.. This asserted that the success of Russia would be a curse to the world.. We do not see how it can be either worse or better than the success of Prussia.. Certainly, we have no sympathy with the absurd pro-German-government attitude adopted by Keir Hardie.. But we would have maintained it, had we been convinced once that it was true.. Not so Henderson, he is working his hardest to secure the triumph of Russia.. So are Barnes, Thorne, and Crooks.. Even.. Ramsey MacDonald.. who stood out with Keir Hardie against the war after it was declared has addressed a letter to the Mayor of Leicester applauding the recruiting campaign.. This, though he has explained that the war only aims at substituting Tzarism for Kaiserism.. The cause of this debacle is economic.. Labor M.. s, also, are among Kitchener s conscripts.. Pursuit of the logical working-class course of opposition to the war, recruiting for it, and the interests behind it, would have meant empty coffers both now and in the future.. There would have been no paid spectacular platform appearances to-day.. There would have been no safe seat, no governing class votes, at the next general election.. That £400 a year would cease in consequence.. All this had to be considered.. Very similar consequences would have attended deliberate silence, in face of the capitalist agitation, and certain craft labor interests involved.. Cannot we understand, then, why the Labor Party has placed the services of its National Agent at the disposal of the Parliamentary Recruiting Committee to assist in the necessary secretarial work? It has forgotten the snub administered by the King and his advisers in connection with the.. Royal.. Home Rule.. Conference.. Only the force of economic compulsion can explain such toadying.. With the platforms and press controlled by the capitalist class, there was but one comfortably popular path to take.. This was to recruit.. It promised immediate finance at a time of threatened famine.. It guaranteed the future.. Support is lent to this assertion by.. the manifesto issued by the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress.. This document.. congratulates the Labor Party upon its recruiting activities.. It adds that,.. unless the voluntary system affords enough recruits, the demand for conscription would become so persistent and so strong, as to become irresistible.. It thinks that this prospect should stimulate recruiting.. Lord Haldane.. , when Secretary for War, avowed that universal military training would be possible after the next great war.. It does not follow that the response to.. Kitchener s Appeal.. , however great, will stay the attempt to foist conscription upon us.. It might accelerate it.. As long as possible, however, our Labor Leaders must avoid a crisis.. They are obliged to follow the line of least resistance and pray that decisive action, indicating real opinion, may never be necessary.. Rushing up recruits may avert the evil day.. It at least staves it off.. So the present form of economic conscription is applauded, by Trade Union Leaders who are also conscripts.. To drive men into the Army, by telling them that if they do not, they will be forced to join, is conscription.. The issue is not between the sham voluntary system and the full-blown coercive one; not a question of marking time, but of going forward.. We are not so anxious to cherish volunteering as to abolish capitalism.. All who fear the coming moment of action are slaves,  ...   in the manufacture of guns and warships, the workers in.. Krupp s.. rejoice with those in.. Vicker s.. , at the war-scares which keep them in bread.. They internationally organize on the strength of the busy time, and greet each other with affection.. All they want is a fair price for their labor power.. When war comes, and distress prevails, then they are still glad to make the means of their own destruction; for work means less want.. During the recent years of.. Dreadnought.. clamor, the National Society of Coppersmiths, Braziers, and Metalworkers, has been active, trying to secure better conditions for coppersmiths working in Home.. and Foreign.. Dockyards!.. Ben Tillett.. has supported the.. armed nation theory.. and secured work for members of the Dockers Union, digging trenches! At the next strike, we shall hear Tillett and others abusing.. Thomas Atkins.. Shall we forget that trade unionism has helped to promote this war? Has drawn its wages from circulating the interested lies of the warmongers? Has paid its leaders out of gun-making? Has armed, clothed, and cheered Tommy to the front both in Britain and Germany? Shall we forget that the elect of Labor has assisted in crushing its fellows into the barrack room? That it wishes to perpetuate the system on the prostitute s terms, the best possible price?.. Capital alone, is not responsible for this war, labor has done its share.. We know.. Dean Inge.. , that gloomy light of St.. Paul s Cathedral, has derived profit from his interest in the British manufacture of Austrian torpedoes.. We know the Postmaster-General, the Colonial Secretary, the Speaker of the House of Commons, and Mr.. Asquith s brother-in-law, the Under Secretary for War, are among his confreres in this infamy.. But were trade unionists unwilling to turn out Spanish, Japanese, Chinese, Chilian, Turkish, Brazilian, Argentine and British Warships in our dockyards? Or did they rejoice to think that Vickers Automatic rifle-calibre gun had been adopted by five governments? Was it not pleasing to their international that the standard rate of wages was paid in the Canadian, Italian, Japanese, Spanish, Russian, Portugese, and other works of the British Armament Trust?.. The wage-labor object of the workers international has compelled it to back, at one and the same time, the German.. Flottenverein.. or Navy League, and also the British Navy League: Pan-German and Pan-British on the same grounds, for the same reasons.. Thus the international trade union movement is, itself, the recruiting office for the Kaiser s Army as well as Kitchener s Army.. Could folly reach lower depths of outrage?.. Dr.. Ludwig Franck.. , Social Democratic member for Mannheim, died fighting at Luneville for the Kaiser s cause!.. Men not only think from their stomach.. They listen from it.. Interviewed in London, the end of last year,.. Professor Delbrück.. , told the.. Daily Mail.. representative:.. Germany for the past fifteen years has been a country of immigration, not of emigration, and her excellent school and university system is producing every year a surplus of educated men.. If we possessed more territories inhabited by inferior races, their administration and development would afford to this educated surplus the same kind of occupation and employment that Englishmen of a similar class find in Egypt or India.. We can complete the picture for ourselves.. Patriotic lectures at so much a lecture, journalistic exploitation of commercial antagonisms at so much a column.. International trade union subserviency to the national concentration of capitalist rivalries.. Endangerment of the fatherland, and death of Franck.. What if he had opposed the sentiment of the economic interests which swept him on to his doom, in company with so many German workers? We know the consequences.. Franck was an economic conscript.. Try to relieve the picture by a reference to.. those native Indian troops.. and the seven princes who have accompanied it to the front.. Surely this is no economic army.. Pause and inquire, ere you assert too much.. Consult the.. Treaties, Engagements and Sanads.. published under the authority of the British Government in India.. Consider how the political occupancy of India followed on its economic exploitation.. Remember that Anglo-Indian officialdom objects to constitutional government in the native states, on the grounds that the chiefs personally are responsible to the British Government for efficient management, and that they cannot divide their responsibility with their subjects.. As early as 1820, in an official.. communiquè.. , No.. XXVI, found on page 142, of volume VI, of the book mentioned, the Gaekwar of.. Baroda.. is told:.. With regard to internal affairs Your Highness is to be unrestrained, provided you fulfill your engagements to the bankers, of which the British Government is guarantee.. The Resident is, however, to be made acquainted with the plan of finance which Your Highness shall determine on at the commencement of each year.. He is to have access to the accounts whenever he requires it, and is to be consulted before any new expenses of magnitude are incurred.. The guarantees of the British Government to ministers and other individuals must be scrupulously observed.. Your Highness is to choose your own minister, but to consult the British Government before you appoint him.. The other native rulers are less independent even than the Gaekwar of.. , more completely under British domination.. None of their troops are, individually, economically free agents; and Anglo-India does not wish them to enjoy any pretences, even, to the position of political citizenship.. What sane man can consent to view them other than as conscripts?.. We have seen then the economic army is in its process of evolution; have noted its many ramifications.. It is for capitalism to take the bull by the horns, to proceed to its militaristic crisis, and to proclaim compulsory military service.. Lord Glenconner.. brother-in-law of.. Asquith.. , an interested party in the.. Nobel Dynamite Trust.. , who derived profit from arming Germany and Austria as an officer of the.. National Service League.. , would urge it on to this extreme.. It is not for us to say him nay.. We are prepared to welcome the conflict.. Our reply will be to assert the first line of revolutionary offence.. The capitalist bid for the final slavish recognition of its complete authority, its absolute supremacy, will meet with no talk of an economic army.. It shall discover a revolutionary one.. Quietly and firmly, each Socialist must decline to serve the murder cause, but refuse to handle a rifle at the bidding of the ruling class.. We can do no less than this.. We shall do much more.. If violence is to be the final arbiter of rights, the workers will decide on the arbitration in their own way, on their own day, for their own cause the establishment of the world-wide Socialist Republic, the Anarchist Commonwealth.. The Spur.. , London.. was written by.. and appeared in.. , a British Anarchist journal.. It was then reprinted in.. in November, 1914.. It is now available in the.. Public Domain.. Search..

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  • Title: Mother Earth, Vol. IX, No. 9 (November, 1914) (1914). Published by Emma Goldman // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: : Vol.. IX, No.. Monthly Magazine Devoted to Social Science and Literature.. Emma Goldman, Publisher.. Alexander Berkman, Editor.. Contents.. Reply to Kropotkin.. Wars and Capitalism.. Black Friday.. Emma Goldman's Dates.. Emma Goldman.. Publisher.. Alexander Berkman.. Editor.. Office: 20 East 125th Street, New York City.. Telephone, Harlem 6194.. Price 10 Cents per Copy.. One Dollar per Year.. Volume IX.. , Number 9 of.. was edited by.. and published by.. , and was issued in November, 1914..

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  • Title: Problems of Anarchism: Introduction. §1. Society and Individual Liberty (1893). By William Bailie in LIBERTY Vol. IX.–No. 19, Whole No. 253 (January 7, 1893) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: Problems of Anarchism.. By.. William Bailie.. Introduction.. Life throughout all its manifestations has one common need, unimpeded growth, which in man becomes translated into the aspiration for individual freedom.. Being a necessary condition to progressive development, it is remarkable that so primary a want arising out of life itself should still be so imperfectly understood and so dimly recognized.. The desire for liberty has accompanied the human race as well as other animal species under nearly all conditions known to us.. Sometimes crushed and well-nigh stamped out, it has in the long run always reasserted itself, for indeed it is inseparable from conscious existence.. The struggle of man against nature early became the struggle of man against man.. This form of the battle is not ended yet.. And the ever present need of personal freedom has borne and still bears a prominent part in the contest.. In the purely animal horde from which our human ancestors at some time slowly grew into societies having more or less cohesion there was doubtless a larger measure of individual liberty than was afterwards possible.. But the term is meaningless except in its relative application to man as a social being living in some kind of definite relation to his fellows.. So that, when we speak of personal liberty and the desire for unhindered development, it is always in relation to society, and only in the social state that the individual man is the subject of study and investigation.. Society, however, has never ceased to put a halter on the freedom of its members.. Not content with limiting each so as to allow an equal share of liberty, or rather giving freedom to all bounded only by consideration of others, it has from the first inclined to destroy entirely the liberty of the individual; by custom, by law, by religion, by enforced economic conditions, by the whole routine of life it has checked his progress, stolen away his rights, fettered his natural power of development, and almost annihilated his freedom.. True progress and civilization are nothing but the gradual acquirement of liberty by each.. Every progressive change, every reform, every improvement is a revolution in favor of the individual.. Let us for a moment take a perspective view of the past.. We can then better realize the position attained in the present.. The earliest social condition we yet know seems to have been largely communistic in form.. The tribe or clan is the unit.. The man is quite subordinate.. No rights, no property, for him exists: these are thought of only as connected with the unit of which he is a  ...   society of ancient Rome.. But the domination of class, of riches and privilege, the power of political despotism, the sinister influence of religious superstition, combined still closer to enslave the individual.. It would be too much to assert that we have left this stage entirely behind us even now.. But it is safe to say that the first break was made in that dark epoch when the New World was discovered four centuries ago.. Most assuredly this turned out to be the mightiest stroke, of all that followed in periodic succession, for the cause of human freedom, of personal liberty.. A general revolt against the time-worn tyranny of a huge superstition, claiming universal authority over all men, soon followed.. It was the spontaneous outburst of individuals in divers places awakening at last to the need for free growth for liberty, realizing, and wanting to break, the chains that for so long had bound them in moral and intellectual slavery.. The shackles were not thrown off so easily.. Again and again have they been forged afresh, but are snapped asunder as the ever-growing desire for freedom impels the individual to leave his ancient beliefs behind.. Today we see them eternally shattered.. Knowledge, truth, science, slowly but surely undermine all that is left, and leave supernaturalism the naked and unmistakable force of reaction and conservative decay, like a great mountain seen through a mist from which man is steadily receding as he goes forward in pursuit of his freedom.. Following closely upon the moral and religious revolt came the movement for political reform.. Revolutions have destroyed the prerogatives of kings, taken the power from aristocracy, and we now see democracy wholly or in part wielding the privileges once the exclusive right of a few.. Individual liberty has been sought through the form of political equality.. Whether achieved or not, it has been the aim of all the great changes in the form and powers of government since the.. American.. revolutions.. With this primary aim the young republic of the western world set out on her career.. And ever since have the progressive nations of Europe been following in her footsteps.. Liberty for all means freedom for each; unhindered individual development has thus been the motto and the essence of the great progressive movements of modern civilization.. Wm.. Bailie.. This article is discussed elsewhere.. Benjamin Tucker,.. An Important Work.. 19, Whole No.. This article is part of a serial:.. This is the first instalment.. §2.. This article appeared in.. 19.. This is the first article.. Nietzsche, Religion and Government.. , and appeared in.. , according to the information available to the..

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  • Title: Problems of Anarchism: Introduction. §2. Economic Development Prior to Capitalism (1893). By William Bailie in LIBERTY Vol. IX.–No. 20, Whole No. 254 (January 14, 1893) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: Let us return to the dawn of history, taking a rapid view of man s economic development.. Self-preservation, the need for food, urged him in common with other animals to exertion.. But, like those, he exerted himself only when driven by hunger.. Work he hated from the beginning.. Naturally a lazy animal, he got knowledge by degrees, and, growing as cunning in wisdom as the ants, he discovered the use of slaves.. Fighting with the sub-human denizens of the pristine wilds they together inhabited, first for existence, then for supremacy, he was driven to herd with others of his species.. Mutual aid in some degree was a condition essential to self-preservation.. Because man was individually weaker than and physically inferior to many of his competitors.. But from struggling with these he got to battling with his own race.. Perhaps it was first among the members of the same herd contesting over the carcass of some common foe they had slain that human struggles began.. Anyway it became habitual for hordes of men to fight.. Prisoners captured would be slain in the earliest stages.. At length some skill in obtaining food was developed.. As soon as a man could procure more sustenance in a day than he could consume, it was more prudent to keep the captives and exploit their labor.. But this idea could be the result only of very slow growth.. Primitive man would take a long time to reason out the point, though he were spurred on to thought both by his desire for food and by his aversion to labor for it.. Whether he first made slaves of the children, the females, or the captives belonging to a rival tribe is immaterial here.. Man had slaves to do his work as early as he found them profitable to him.. In the communistic republican tribe they were not absent.. And in the after stage of chieftainship and aristocracy slavery became a basic institution.. The usages of different races of men varied much in this part of their growth in regard to slavery.. Among some it was much more general and intensely developed than among others.. In many a large part of the work was done by free laborers, who nevertheless, by reason of their labor, were always accounted of an inferior class.. In the earlier societies of ancient Greece all manual labor was done by slaves, but when Rome began to assert herself there were artisans who were no longer slaves.. At the height of her power and towards her downfall the free proletarians formed a numerous class.. It can hardly be said that the free workmen of those times were better off than the slaves.. Some of them, however, became shopkeepers and merchants.. Speaking generally, we may say that until long after Christianity was commonly accepted, chattel slavery was the condition of the laboring masses.. Workman, wealth-producer, slave were convertible terms.. The need of freedom was present all the while.. Vast uprisings, rebellions, bloody wars, century after century attest the fact.. They were men, they dreamt of liberty, and a deliverer, a saviour, a messiah, was ever pictured in their hopes and aspirations.. More than one of this class at various times and places turned up to supply the demand.. But the economic bondage of the workers outlived them all.. Among the masses thus enthralled the ethics of the Christian teaching found a fruitful soil already prepared to assimilate the seed.. Its morality, its ideas of the equality of men, a bright and happy hereafter, a scant respect for the rich, and community of goods could not fail to be attractive to the legally de-humanized, robbed, and oppressed laboring population of slaves.. So it had become their common belief before it was adopted officially in the Roman Empire.. Doubtless this system of morals, obtaining general acceptance, had considerable influence in working out the economic change which replaced slavedom by  ...   as the end of the sixteenth century both in England and on the continent.. Out of the feudal system grew the towns, the inhabitants of which again worked out their freedom, increasing in numbers largely through the continual addition of escaped serfs from the land.. I am not pretending to give a history either of the birth, growth, or decay of feudalism, but merely indicating the lines of economic change.. Now, there are some learned writers of the present day who avow that the working classes enjoyed a very considerable measure of liberty, peace, and prosperity during the later stages of that system.. In short, they tell us that the serfs were better situated than are the masses today under the system of capitalism.. Nobody, however, can doubt, I think, that in other ways than economic the difference in favor of liberty then and now is vast.. Nor is a comparison even from a purely economic point of view between former states and the unprecedented developments of modern times likely to prove favorable to the past.. One question arises which in any case demands our best attention.. Has the economic side of individual freedom kept pace with its growth in other directions, and with the gigantic enlargements of productive power and general economic improvement?.. It is admitted on all sides, not only by Socialistic reformers, but by the ablest of independent thinkers, that the evils of the prevailing economic system are widespread and intense, and the lot of the.. free.. workers by no means commensurate with the revolution which has taken place in the industrial world.. Scarcely any one can be found who denies that improvement is desirable, and but few who would say it is not necessary.. The growing belief in the theory of evolution is of necessity attended by the hope, nay, the certainty, of a betterment in the condition of the industrial classes, of the diminution of the glaring economic and social evils that exist, and of a higher form of society than has yet appeared on the planet.. Unfortunately agreement ends here.. If one wishes to learn the bottom causes that produce these evils and to know the true method which ought to be pursued in order to eliminate them, a thousand answers, confusing and contradictory, are given in reply.. On this rock all ships of social reform are shattered.. Hopes are sustained and theories built sky-high, but owing to the instability of the foundation are one after another undermined, topple over, and are finally dashed to pieces.. An inadequate grasp of causes seems to me to be the central weakness of all past and present schemes of social and economic improvement.. A clearer perception of the origin and nature of things is the only way I know of avoiding this error.. An application of principles established upon demonstrated facts must replace the common method of studying social phenomena and economic conditions by empirical generalizations and preconceived theories.. The latter is the usual method of most Socialists.. In the course of this inquiry I hope to examine the leading ideas of the more prominent among them as well as the teachings of economists generally upon the causes of the evils that press so persistently for solution.. But before starting on a task of such magnitude, the temerity of which can be excused only by the hope that, if it be not well performed, if the errors still remain, and the mists which already surround it be not removed, I may at least reduce them, before proceeding to this work another question must be investigated: the persistence of the idea of political authority must be accounted for and its nature and claims defined; and then with the result we shall be able to correlate the facts before set down, and thus show the nature and position of individual freedom in relation to the subject of our inquiry.. §1.. §3..

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  • Title: Problems of Anarchism: Introduction. §3. Political Authority and Personal Freedom (1893). By William Bailie in LIBERTY Vol. IX.–No. 21, Whole No. 255 (January 21, 1893) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: No government or political power existed in the earlier stage of man s career.. Like other institutions it was the outcome of slow growth under conditions favorable to its existence.. Aggression was the origin of all government.. Political authority, the State, arose, was maintained, and extended through.. war.. At first some strong man who could successfully lead in battle was made chief, as a means for the preservation of the tribe against its enemies, or for the purpose of attacking some neighboring tribe.. His power ceased with the occasion which called it forth.. But when war, aggressive or defensive, became habitual, his power consequently became permanent.. A leader in war was for ages the only function of government, the sole reason for its existence.. But gradually, from having power over the individual in times of danger and turmoil, the ruler came to usurp a like power in time of peace.. The individual s liberty was cut down, his rights trampled upon, for the aggrandizement of his chief, the government.. To effect this the better, new functions were by degrees assumed by the political authority.. Time-worn customs were given the authority of law, and all fresh-made laws were framed and enforced, quite naturally, in the interest of the power that originated them.. It is probable that ancient customs were just as peremptory as they became when given legal sanction: we can observe it in existing societies which represent a very early stage of development.. But the pernicious character of government consisted in stereotyping, as it were, these customs, and authoritatively enforcing them, thus stopping the natural source of progressive change.. Every statute enacted today has a like effect and is open to the same objection.. Of all forms of superstition that which universally prevails concerning the coercive and irresponsible organization known as the political authority, or State, is the most deep-set, dangerous, and inimical to human happiness.. Many there are who have cast off the trappings of all other forms of faith, belief in devil and damnation, in Divinity and a future life, in soul, spirit, and everything supernatural, yet continue to invest governmental authority with a sacredness and awe altogether incompatible with its humble origin, its commonplace growth, and extremely problematical present utility.. Doubtless the mere fact that it is an institution of small beginnings which has developed with the progress of the race and been inseparably bound up with some of its most important phases is reason sufficient for its overwhelming power and the place it holds in the beliefs of the people.. At all times, however, there have been individuals in revolt against its power and claims; often the majority of the people are found combatting the ruling authority, but never on the ground that authority itself is wrong, that government is in its very nature oppressive and destructive; they seek only a change in its instruments, its form, its outward shape or methods, but not in its substance where the evil resides.. From insignificance it gradually rose to omnipotence, till its despotic tyranny claimed everything and took away all the rights of man, granting back to certain individuals.. privileges.. which left the mass bereft of either, the prey to every kind of robbery and oppression.. The republican form of government is still the exception in the world; monarchy of one sort or another continues to prevail.. In this form government s relation to the individual is the reverse of the American federal authority s relation to the States composing it.. The  ...   and despotism.. Individual liberty is menaced as much by its acts and the exercise of its powers as under less promising forms of political authority.. It has solved no problem, social or economic, which the others have failed to solve.. It secures justice to the individual in need of it with no more promptitude and even less certainty than elsewhere.. Its constructive, administrative, and industrial functions rival the worst of monarchies for costliness and incapacity.. Its benefits, according to its own showing, are purely negative.. Not what it does, but what it is kind enough not to do, to let alone, constitutes its main claim upon our tolerance.. Nor are republican forms of government elsewhere existing, in South America and in France, conspicuous for their better fulfilment of the functions they assume, or for their more enlightened use of the powers they possess.. In brief, an unprejudiced study of existing political powers leads us to conclude that there is no essential difference between them; despite the fact that the average American citizen fondly believes and proudly proclaims the government he lives under to be incomparably superior to all other forms, to be the perfection of freedom and progress, the impartial student is obliged to admit that this grandest of all political institutions is precisely the same in its nature and essence as the others.. It is a truth of every-day experience that even the most democratic of governments continually assume additional powers and encroach upon fresh fields of action.. But these powers are only in certain directions.. And to whatever degree they extend their functions, it must be remembered that this growth is infinitesimal compared with the development of every kind of social function by other agencies; and also that in public utility and importance the work assumed by voluntary effort is infinitely greater and more successful than anything yet attempted through the agency of authority.. Whatever may be the ultimate effects, it is still true that the avowed purpose of all modern governmental activity, domestic at any rate, is not aggression or individual suppression, but the furtherance of the general good.. Even the apparent encroachments on private liberty in many cases are really fuller recognitions of the principal.. On the whole, the tendency of law and authority, except when their warlike character predominates, is toward securing to the individual a wider freedom and a greater share of the results of his own non-aggressive activities: in short, towards the sovereignty of each over his own conduct and its necessary consequences.. The rule of the majority not that this is really true or could possibly exist under any government, but taking it to express the democratic form has led to a curious confusion of ideas in the popular understanding with regard to the meaning of liberty and political rights.. The average voter conceives them to mean that he has a right to meddle in everybody s business, and they in return assume the right of regulating his affairs, which remarkable doctrine has come to represent the myth called political equality.. So that liberty has erroneously come to mean that each may interfere with the liberties of all, and conversely all interfere with the liberty of each; and the true meaning and ideal of individual liberty and the rights of man, that everyone should pursue his own course in life in his own way free from all restraint upon the full use of his activities and the realization of their results, this ideal is entirely forgotten.. §4..

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  • Title: Problems of Anarchism: Introduction. §4. Progress and Individual Conduct (1893). By William Bailie in LIBERTY Vol. IX.–No. 22, Whole No. 256 (January 28, 1893) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: Not only do ideas conform to existing conditions and opportunity for their realization, but they correspond to modes of life that have already been passed through.. The idea arising out of the latest conditions of existence is frequently at variance with the conception covering the same ground which originated in a former and dissimilar state.. Hence we continually meet with views the most contradictory on questions of principle, about which there could be no dispute if the natural phenomena underlying the matter were in their order of development thoroughly known and understood.. What are the tendencies of present political and economic growth and their relation to the individual? To these questions I believe a rational and not uncertain answer should and can be given, despite the confusion and almost hopeless disagreements among the professors.. It has been shown that the ideas of political and religious liberty have grown and continue to expand in men s minds, that they do so in conformity to a natural want common to all life, and that the principles corresponding to these aspirations are exemplified, in fact, in the great intellectual movements and social tendencies of modern times.. We can go a step farther now, and say that such needs and ideas necessarily develop and become more imperative as the opportunity for their growth, the conditions favorable to their realization come into existence.. The one is complementary to the other; the growth of the former hastens the extension of the latter, and conversely, till the aim is fully realized.. Progress then moves ever more rapidly; at every step it quickens its pace.. If we are to accept the conclusions of the critics of capitalism, that is, the existing economic condition of society, we must believe that economic liberty is more impossible now than in pre-capitalistic times.. Wage-slavery is merely the modern phase of chattel slavery.. Individual freedom is violated by present economic arrangements even more than it was in previous states.. These critics, while apparently agreeing with modern science as regards the order of man s development, nevertheless take pretty much the same attitude as.. Rousseau.. and the older schools of Communists, who in one form or another held that man began in a perfect state of natural liberty, equality, etc.. , and that he had somehow strayed away from this free and happy condition, to which it was right and proper he should, as quickly as need be, return.. A variation on the tune of the.. Garden of Eden.. Communists and others who on economic grounds today attack society of course repudiate the above method of criticism and talk evolution in order, it would seem, to keep up with the fashion.. We must see now if the belief in evolution together with the facts through which it speaks will warrant us in classifying capitalism as an economic retrogression:  ...   is inseparable from any form of social life, which could neither exist nor be of any advantage without it.. Altruism, unless it is spontaneous and voluntary, has no ethical value.. Every kind of conduct, and more especially the ideas from which it springs, is determined by the conditions under which life is carried on.. The mode of life most favorable to altruism is precisely that which secures the highest degree of egoism or individualism.. As consideration for others always arises in the first instance out of regard for self, and as causes determine effects and not conversely, so, if the aim be the good of others or altruism, then individualism the condition out of which it arises must be given the fullest opportunity for development.. The Socialistic attack on individualism as an economic factor will be dealt with at more length later on.. At present I desire to point out simply that, as I understand it, there is not necessarily any antagonism between complete individualism and general happiness, that the one can be attained only in proportion as the other becomes possible.. Nor do I infer that individual conduct without restraint is always beneficial to others.. But to suppress the individual in the supposed interest of others is really where the danger lies.. Neither do I deny that a knowledge of the laws which govern conduct, irrespective of the individual will, would prove of service to each in regulating his actions toward others; but conformity to such laws is not a matter of obligation, except in so far as consequences render it so.. Natural law from a moral standpoint enjoins nothing, enforces nothing, carries no obligation.. When stated and its consequences known, the individual is free to disregard it, but only temporarily, as a man may risk an injury or even his life to accomplish some greater end.. For it is impossible to traverse natural sequences continuously without suffering or death somewhere ensuing.. Hence after all nature is absolute, the highest conduct is that which most closely conforms to her requirements; while there is no.. must.. , there is still the highest satisfaction for each and all to be derived from that conduct which is best.. In this spirit alone do we formulate right and wrong, what is beneficial and what is injurious, and point out the laws of social health.. Such is the method and aim of this inquiry.. There remains but one remark to add on the above head.. The good and truly moral conduct or mode of life is that which is the spontaneous expression of individual desires and activities, free from feelings of obligation or conscious regard for consequences.. And this spontaneously natural conduct under favorable conditions that is, freedom tends ever to become the best for self and others.. After this digression, we can resume the inquiry into capitalism.. §5..

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  • Title: Problems of Anarchism: Introduction. §5. Economic Liberty under Modern Conditions (1893). By William Bailie in LIBERTY Vol. IX.–No. 23, Whole No. 257 (February 4, 1893) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: 23, Whole No.. 5.. Industrial capitalism or the exploitation of labor is not entirely a condition of modern times.. It flourished in nearly all the buried civilizations of the past, and was an important factor in their decay.. But it differed in one important particular from the capitalism which has succeeded feudal society.. It depended mainly upon slaves for productive labor.. The free producers had to contend against slave competition, and, as wars of conquest continually augmented their numbers, the slaves finally ousted the free workers, who in the long run became merged into the growing class of serfs, which also assimilated the slaves.. And out of serf-laborers again emerged a free working class, but this time without any inferior competing body of toilers.. The laborer under the feudal condition did not compete as a wage-worker against others.. His work and subsistence were guaranteed him in return for fixed services, which left him without personal freedom.. Industrialism with greater individual liberty began to grow in cities and towns, to which serfs gladly fled from the land to sell their labor to the rising class of capitalist employers.. Underneath feudalism lay a brutal and selfish individualism of status, which existed only for the benefit of the oligarchy.. But capitalism broke up this state by developing a wider, freer individualism, not based on social status, but upon industry and exchange.. It offered a greater opportunity to the producer, rendered him more self-reliant and independent, and generally gave him a position superior to his former state.. That it offered advantages to the workers can hardly be denied; else it could not have steadily grown by means of voluntary recruiting from the land.. Organized production, division of labor, and commercial exchange had reached an advanced stage and was absorbing an increasing proportion of the laboring population when the great industrial revolution, beginning in England with the latter part of the eighteenth century, by the aid of invention, steam power, and machinery transformed capitalism into the greatest of economic forces.. Capitalism in this phase requires larger and ever larger accumulations of wealth in the form of exchange values in order to secure its existence.. This is the indispensable condition of the capitalist system of production; and, moreover, it is just the point on which it is superior to every preceding economic system.. By reason of its enormous accumulation of exchangeable wealth it renders life and labor more secure for the whole of society.. Because wealth employed as a source of income can only accomplish its purpose in proportion as it is used productively and creates a demand for human activity.. It augments the means of subsistence.. We are here comparing the results of capitalism with previous economic states, not with any ideal; merely noting facts, not constructing theories.. Though it may be true that in an earlier period it was possible for the individual man to procure the prime necessities by direct labor, as the savage today is in this respect less dependent than the civilized man, yet it is equally certain that his means of life on the average were more precarious.. His wants were fewer than those of a man of today, for our needs grow at a much faster rate than our means of satisfying them, and modern conditions are continually creating new wants which were undreamt of by our ancestors.. But even those fewer wants were supplied in pre-capitalistic times with more trouble and risk than the wage slave of capitalism usually undergoes to supply his much greater needs.. Besides, in former times the economic life of the whole population was more uncertain and insecure than capitalism has now rendered the average lot of the masses.. There is less danger of death by famine through any cause whatever, though wars, pestilences, etc.. , still act and react injuriously upon the industrial classes, but in a much less degree than ever before.. Capitalistic society has its source in individualism, but, as already explained, when this principle has a wider scope, it necessarily results in an enlargement of what I might here call economic altruism.. For capitalistic production as an essential condition to individual success has led men to study the needs of others, literally to provide for them: they are impelled to act in such a way that the general result is an increase of human happiness.. Witness the ordinary economic effects.. Increasing capital, improved methods, larger and larger production, reduced cost, cheaper and more abundant commodities, allow every body to satisfy his wants with less exertion.. The unconscious coöperation which capitalism has certainly brought about is more widespread and has resulted in greater benefits to all than could ever have been conceived by any consciously-regulated system based on theoretic coöperation..  ...   method and in fact capitalistic.. I may have occasion later to discuss this question, than which none in economics is more befogged in blind faith, prejudice, and sentimentalism.. At present I shall only add, to make clear the above and bring out my meaning, the instance of the economics of the famous institution known as the Village Community.. This system of agrarian industrialism based at once on ownership of the means of production, the land, by the producers and on conscious coöperation as the method of using it, was, and is, marked by the absence of all progress, and by a stereotyped conservatism, which in its non-progressive results conclusively proves its inferiority to capitalism.. The Russian.. mir.. is one of the best surviving instances.. The enormous extent of unconscious and indirect cooperation which the present system on purely individualist lines has developed in an all-embracing net-work around the earth is generally overlooked by its opponents.. We see the people of.. Yorkshire.. Lancashire.. in England working on fabrics to cover the black skins of the inhabitants of tropical Africa and to clothe the sheep-raisers of New Zealand, and in return being fed by the wheat, beef, and pork produced on great capitalist farms on the slopes of the.. Rocky Mountains.. or the valleys of the.. Mississippi.. While, be it remembered, the English workers are better off in consequence of this capitalistic coöperation than if they followed primitive methods and raised their subsistence themselves from the soil on which they live: and the other participants benefit in like manner by the arrangement.. What is true of this instance is equally true all round.. In fact, the hopes raised by modern economic ideals are wholly the outcome of the observed achievements of capitalistic methods of industry.. The writings of social reformers, Communists, etc.. , furnish ample proof, notwithstanding the Platonic and Utopian social ideals of former ages.. As before observed, the modern economic system requires vast accumulations of exchange values; and, at least in the earlier stages of machine industry, their concentration was also indispensable.. To meet the unprecedented expansion consequent on the industrial revolution a rapid development and storing-up of capital for productive purposes could not be avoided.. Under the individualist system, not yet having attained the period of good results, the working classes were obliged to bear this strain.. They were overworked and underpaid.. This is a positive and deliberate statement of fact.. It was not that they were relatively ill-paid and hard-worked; they received a much smaller proportion of the results of their labor, of the total product, than at any past time or probably any time since.. The only mitigating circumstance being that the people thus made to suffer were a new industrial class mostly taken from agriculture and were probably in quite as bad a plight (if not worse) in the conditions they left as they found themselves in under the new machine system of industry.. But these and many other evils were the necessary products of a transitory stage, a sudden and unprecedented revolution, and formed no essential part of the new system.. The cause of the evils brought the remedy.. Capital increased with still greater rapidity, and in this continuous accumulation of exchange values beyond the first imperative needs lay the antidote to the abuses.. This review has prepared us to find out, with a better chance of succeeding, how individual liberty has fared during the economic change.. It would here prove instructive if we were to trace the results in the political history of the period.. We should see that the political aspect of liberty has its root in economic conditions and changes, that the former is the result of the latter, and that a progressive movement towards political liberty is conclusive proof of an economic advancement.. This subject must, however, be passed over; it is not indispensable to our inquiry.. The result of the foregoing review, I hope, will show that capitalism takes a necessary place in economic evolution; that alternative schemes are barren of all results that have any bearing upon the point at issue; and that individual freedom cannot be found to have lost ground in the conflict.. The social and sentimental side of economic development I have purposely left out.. Because an enumeration and discussion of the evils of capitalism would not further us in the object now in view.. We shall endeavor to find their causes in due course, and attempt to answer the questions, whether such evils are part of the nature of things, whether they form the unavoidable consequences of economic progress and a greater liberty, and whether we can safely look to further economic change in the same line of development to solve the social problem.. §6..

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  • Title: Problems of Anarchism: Introduction. §6. Liberty and Its Law (1893). By William Bailie in LIBERTY Vol. IX.–No. 24, Whole No. 258 (February 11, 1893) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: In tracing the comparative economic effects of capitalism my purpose was to bring out the fact that the.. conditions.. favorable to the growth of individual liberty have unmistakably improved.. And as every phase of progress, including moral, religious, and political freedom, is dependent on economic conditions, the ideas and aspirations expanding in proportion to the opportunity for growth which these conditions afford, it requires but to bring together and sum up the results of our inquiry in order to see that they converge toward the same result.. Setting out with the axiomatic principle that free individual development is a primary need of man, we saw that his progress in the social state has been from the negation of freedom toward individual liberty in all its aspects, that in this path ever more surely moves the trend of civilization.. Then, after tracing the lines of economic development prior to modern times, we came to the question as to whether liberty has advanced commensurately with industrial progress.. The general recognition of existing evils was pointed out, and also the universal disagreement as to their cause.. Next was discussed the relation between political authority and personal freedom, the origin and growth of the former shown, its persistent character under different forms brought out, and throughout all the widening of the principle of liberty notwithstanding the prevalent confusion of ideas upon the subject.. After which the nature of individualism was ethically considered preparatory to the question of how far and in what way capitalism has evolved the conditions which give individual liberty fuller opportunity of development.. We have already seen that ideas grow in accordance with the extension of opportunities for their fulfilment.. Hence it becomes clear that modern economic conditions are those in which liberty has advanced, in theory and in fact, by reason of the wider scope and freer field they afford it.. Such I claim to be the effects of the capitalist system.. Let us demonstrate this point more plainly.. Where this system has grown to the greatest extent is where progress and liberty have made the biggest strides.. And where it is least developed or has not yet arisen is just where they are most backward.. According to.. , liberty increases with the growth of industrialism, which brings peace and progress.. The point I wish to establish is quite different.. I believe that this theory can be proved only of that form of industrialism which is modern capitalism.. In England and the United States today we see the latter in its most evolved form.. But alongside of it we also observe individual liberty in its highest state.. On the other hand, we find in Russia that capitalism is as yet in its most elementary phase, that industrialism has not yet left the stage of communal or non-capitalistic agriculture.. The position of liberty and progress there is needless to mention.. Now if between these extremes we range civilized nations classified in relation to the development in each of the capitalist system of industry, we shall find that the advance of liberty is directly proportional to the stage of economic progress.. extraordinary civilization of ancient Peru.. rested on a most perfect system, according to some modern Socialist ideals, of differentiated industrialism..  ...   economic forms.. bourgeois.. struggles against aristocracy and autocracy, against military and religious domination, of which Socialistic and other historians say so much and understand so little, now become perfectly clear in their origin and ultimate effects.. The classes profiting most directly by the rise of capitalism were the first to feel the need for economic freedom, which, being the basis of freedom in all other aspects, led to the struggle for and acquirement of man s rights in general, and lastly to the assertion of individual sovereignty as the complete formula of social justice.. The study of natural phenomena in the light of Evolution leading to the investigation of Man in relation to life in general, to the scientific study of all the forces, internal and external, by which he is conditioned and in accordance with which he exists, develops, and continues to achieve a larger and larger amount of satisfaction out of life, both for each individual and for the race, this method has disclosed an order or continuity in the phenomena which our reason is able to sift and classify, and from the seeming chaos we can formulate principles which guide us both in comprehending the nature of things and in further extending our knowledge.. More than this, such formulated experience helps man to understand his own nature and further his welfare, and guides him in his social relations.. Principles thus established we term scientific laws.. They are simply descriptions, easily intelligible to the intellect, of the sequences and relations which observation makes known to us.. This explanation I trust will at once make clear just what is conveyed by the phrases natural law and scientific formula and indicate precisely their value.. According to the above method and in the sense just indicated has the law of equal freedom been laid down.. When.. defines Justice to mean the liberty of each limited only by the like liberties of all and expresses it in the formula known as the law of equal freedom:.. Every man is free to do that which he wills,.. qualified thus,.. provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any other man,.. we are not, I apprehend, expected to find a new doctrine, but that the facts of evolution scientifically and philosophically interpreted justify us in accepting this brief description (law) as a necessary condition of social growth.. Hence to observe it is to be guided by natural law.. The same principle, it is needless to remark, has often been laid down by the apostles of liberty and other advanced thinkers, both from intuitive reasoning and empirical generalizations, but it has been left to the builders of scientific evolution to give it the force it now commands when established as a scientific demonstration.. Our inquiry up to this point has been to exhibit the tendency of civilization, and especially in its relation to economic development, as a movement toward individual liberty.. It needed but the above conclusion from the philosophy of evolution to complete this part of the work.. In the light thus obtained we can go on with the inquiry in the belief that we shall be the more able to unravel the difficulties that overcome the obstacles which so thickly bestrew our path..

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  • Title: Problems of Anarchism: Property. §1. Life, Liberty, and Property (1893). By William Bailie in LIBERTY Vol. IX.–No. 25, Whole No. 259 (February 18, 1893) // Fair Use Repository
    Descriptive info: If the liberty of the individual, embracing in that idea.. the equal liberty of all.. , is accepted as a standard principle, the only measure of rights, and the fulfilment of justice; then, whatever ideas are entertained upon property must harmonize with that leading idea.. Any conception of property which traverses it and denies complete individual liberty must be rejected: it is inconsistent with its acceptance.. Talking once with an ardent Socialist, he confessed to me, with innocent candor, that the very first notion in the communistic direction had yet to be acquired by the people.. For,.. said he,.. the idea of individual or private property lies so deep in their minds and is so securely imbedded in their habits of thought, in their very nature, that any conception of property conditions opposed to this seems almost impossible: to effect a change would require a mental revolution more gigantic than has ever been known.. And yet without such a change in property ideas no communistic revolution could last a day.. Twould be simply a dead letter.. How profoundly true!.. Recalling this observation brings me to the point to be first noticed: the property idea, as we find it developed today among civilized and progressive people.. Not only is the belief in individual property general, it grows more intense, and is continually embracing a wider range of objects and ideas not previously considered as property at all.. It is unnecessary here to elaborate the rise and development of this idea, nor need we now discuss the question whether private property or common property is the more ancient, especially as so many conflicting theories upon the matter are held by those considered authorities.. Enough is known, beyond dispute, to show that the right of the individual to hold property has been allowed from the remotest times; that as his power of acquiring it and need for it have grown his right has become clearer and more imperative; and that private property develops with human progress.. Its recognition advances with advancing civilization: experience, customs, laws, exemplify the fact.. Admitting this truth, the question for us to consider is: Does this tendency of property agree with individual liberty? Does the fact harmonize with our principle?.. When an individual in the exercise of his liberty expends his energies in acquiring property without preventing others from so exercising the like liberty, he breaks not the law of individual liberty, he trespasses not on the freedom of others.. So that property acquired under such conditions rightfully belongs to him who acquires it.. And  ...   the necessity for it as a condition of existence, as part of the law of life, a biological fact which has been established by science, then no more is required of us; its justice and propriety become incontrovertible.. Continuous life is possible only when each individual receives the consequences of his own conduct, when benefits obtained are proportionate to actions performed, when he reaps the advantages of his life maintaining powers, when the good and the evil in his nature each brings its due reward.. Manifestly the possession of property, acquired without violating the liberty of others, is a direct consequence of conduct, the reward of life-sustaining energies.. To deny a man s right to the fruits of his own exertions is a denial of his right to the use of his faculties, both bodily and mental, and finally of his right to life itself.. Admitting this claim as thus established, and as a necessary consequence of the sovereignty of the individual, we must recognize some truths which naturally follow.. A man may acquire property the term including all forms of wealth by any method consistent with other men s equal liberty.. He may work for it by direct labor, he may gamble for it by any kind of speculation provided nobody is coerced, he may obtain it by gift or bequest or through unrestricted exchange, and his claim is equally valid, his right equally undeniable.. But he has no just claim to it when procured through the violation of other men s rights, through the limitation or negation of their equal freedom.. The same principle which establishes property rights destroys all arbitrary claims, all law-created rights.. It denies all property rights due to legal privilege which is an assault upon individual liberty: to the forcible monopoly of natural resources and opportunities which establish property only through the denial of others right to obtain it; to all arbitrarily-enforced burdens, as taxes, rent of land, mines, water, and all natural media: interest a direct creation of unequal liberty.. Private property may then be stated in terms of equality.. It arises out of the equal right of each to complete liberty and life, which is justice.. I have taken up this question of property first in order, and established a definite principle with arguments, I trust, sufficiently clear, though but briefly indicated, and for which I make no claim of originality, because in dealing with the topics that are to follow much discussion will thus be avoided and future arguments be better understood.. Wherein Property is Subversive of Liberty..

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