www.archive-org-2013.com » ORG » 1 » 19THC-ARTWORLDWIDE

Choose link from "Titles, links and description words view":

Or switch to "Titles and links view".

    Archived pages: 626 . Archive date: 2013-08.

  • Title: NCAW | Volume 12, Issue 1 | Spring 2013
    Descriptive info: .. Volume 12, Issue 1 | Spring 2013.. Editors' Welcome.. “In the Park”: Lewis Miller’s Chronicle of American Landscape at Mid-Century.. by Therese O‘Malley and Kathryn R.. Barush, with Emily Pugh, Jessica Ruse, and Courtney Tompkins.. This study of Lewis Miller’s “Guide to Central Park” has taken several approaches in order to create a context for the album as well as to better understand the reception of Central Park in its opening years.. In addition to two scholarly essays, this digital publication makes it possible to include a facsimile of the whole album accompanied by transcriptions and descriptions and links to notes, sources, and other relevant material.. Modernism and the Nude in Colombian Art.. by Maya Jiménez.. While in Paris, Colombian artists were exposed to the female nude model for the first time.. Despite its pedagogical and academic antecedents, the nude seriously challenged the insularity and conservatism of Colombian art.. In so doing, these foreign-trained artists established the precedent of internationalism, which in turn ensured the flowering of Modernism in Colombia.. Enigmatic Bodies: Dolls and the Making of Japanese Modernity.. by Marguerite V.. Hodge.. This article investigates the relationship between dolls and modernity as it was created and experienced in Japan.. The author argues that dolls were instrumentalized as central vehicles through which new ideas were processed, reconfigured, and transmitted, and that they played a critical role in the imaginative process by which Japan constructed its modernity.. From “Les types populaires” to “Los tipos populares”: Nineteenth-Century Mexican.. Costumbrismo.. by Mey-Yen Moriuchi.. In 1854, a group of Mexican writers and artists published a collection of articles and illustrations that portrayed popular racial and social types entitled,.. Los mexicanos pintados por sí mismos.. Produced out of a desire to capture local customs, costumes and occupations,.. Los mexicanos.. embraced the principles of the.. costumbrista.. genre just as it was also indebted to its European predecessors, such as.. Heads of the People.. (1840),.. Les Français peints par eux-mêmes.. (1841–42) and.. Los españoles pintados por sí mismos.. (1843–44).. In its carefully orchestrated selection of representations,.. reveals how the Mexican literary elite sought to position themselves vis-à-vis other nations during the post-independence period and demonstrates how  ...   the English expatriate Francis Sloane for his newly acquired chapel in Santa Croce, Florence, within the context of 19th-century Italian religious and political debates.. Following a discussion of the spiritual agenda of Pius IX, the medieval revival stained-glass techniques of De Matteis, and the religious and political beliefs of Sloane, the author argues that the Sloane window was a conservative Catholic, or Ultramontane, response to the modern and secular world embraced by the new liberal Tuscan and Italian national governments that came into being after Leopold II, the last of the Habsburg Grand Dukes to rule Tuscany, left Florence peacefully in 1859.. about the journal.. past issues.. help.. how to support the journal.. Reviews.. Klimt Year in Vienna: Part Two.. Reviewed by Jane Van Nimmen.. BOOK REVIEWS.. David to Delacroix: The Rise of Romantic Mythology.. by Dorothy Johnson.. Reviewed by Elizabeth Mansfield.. Jacques-Emile Blanche.. by Jane Roberts.. Reviewed by Gabriel P.. Weisberg.. American Painters on Technique: The Colonial Period to 1860.. by Lance Mayer and Gay Myers.. Reviewed by Christina Michelon.. Alfred Jarry: A Pataphysical Life.. by Alastair Brotchie.. Henry Ossawa Tanner: Modern Spirit.. edited by Anna O.. Marley.. Reviewed by Jennifer Jane Marshall.. EXHIBITION REVIEWS.. Reviewed by Theresa Leininger-Miller.. Impressions of Interiors: Gilded Age Paintings by Walter Gay.. Reviewed by Janet Whitmore.. Inventing the Modern World: Decorative Arts at the World’s Fairs, 1851–1939.. Hammershøi and Europe.. Misia: Queen of Paris.. Reviewed by Debra J.. DeWitte.. Vincent: The Van Gogh Museum in the Hermitage Amsterdam.. Reviewed by Rachel Esner.. Breaking the Mold: The Legacy of the Noah L.. and Muriel S.. Butkin Collection of Nineteenth-Century French Art.. Reviewed by Marjorie Schreiber Kinsey.. Il était une fois.. l'impressionisme: Chefs d'œuvre de la peinture française du Clark / Once Upon a Time.. Impressionism: Great French Paintings from the Clark.. Reviewed by Alison McQueen.. Max Klinger – le théâtre de l'étrange, les suites gravées, 1879–1915.. Reviewed by Sarah Schaefer.. Author's Response.. to Cheryl Snay’s review of.. The Diary of J.. J.. Grandville and the Missouri Album: The Life of an Opposition Caricaturist and Romantic Book Illustrator in Paris under the July Monarchy.. by Clive F.. Getty.. 2013-14 Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide.. All Rights Reserved..

    Original link path: /
    Open archive

  • Title: NCAW Spring 2013 | Editor's Welcome
    Descriptive info: | Print |.. E-mail.. As this issue was about to be launched, we received the good news that the article.. “Infesting the Galleries of Europe: The Copyist Emma Conant Church in Paris and Rome,”.. by Jacqueline Marie Musacchio, published in.. NCAW.. 10, no.. 2 (Autumn 2011), won the 2012.. ARIAH Online Publishing Prize.. from the Association of Research Institutes in Art History.. The article was chosen from fifty-six entries.. Congratulations, Jacki!.. Introduced in 2012, the ARIAH prize is an important sign of the coming of age of online journals.. Eleven years ago, when.. was founded, many art historians looked askance at electronic journals, the more so when the journals also offered open access, as if their inclusivity and worldwide availability made them seem less scholarly—even if they were peer-reviewed.. Today the tide has changed.. Tenure-review committees no longer discount articles published online, and many authors  ...   Park’: Lewis Miller's Chronicle of American Landscape at Mid-Century,”.. by Therese O’Malley and Kathryn Barush, with Emily Pugh and Jessica Ruse, deals with an album of watercolors by the German-American artist Lewis Miller representing the newly-built Central Park in New York City.. The article, accompanied by a fully annotated, digital facsimile of the album, shows a use of technology that differs from the mapping and visualization found in the.. Mellon-sponsored article by Anne Helmreich and Pamela Fletcher,.. published in the fall issue.. In subsequent issues we hope to show yet more and different examples of articles that have gained from new technologies, either in their research or their presentation.. CALL FOR PROPOSALS:.. digital research and publication initiative.. Volume 12, Issue 1.. Spring 2013.. Articles.. by Therese O’Malley and Kathryn R.. Window in Santa Croce and the Catholic Revival in Nineteenth-Century Florence.. edited edited by Anna O..

    Original link path: /index.php/spring13/editors-welcome-spring-2013
    Open archive

  • Title: In the Park: Lewis Miller's Chronicle of American Landscape at Mid-Century
    Descriptive info: "In the Park": Lewis Miller's Chronicle of American Landscape at Mid-Century.. Therese O'Malley, Ph.. D.. , is associate dean at the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts at the National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.. C.. She oversees the Center's publications and special meetings programs.. Her scholarly publications have focused on the history of landscape architecture and garden design, primarily in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, concentrating on the transatlantic exchange of plants, ideas, and people.. Her recent publications include a reference work entitled.. Keywords in American Landscape.. Design.. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010),.. The Art of Natural History: Illustrated Treatises and Botanical Paintings, 1400–1850,.. co-edited with Amy R.. W.. Meyers (Washington, D.. : National Gallery of Art, 2010), and several articles on aspects of the early profession of landscape design and the history of botanic gardens.. She is the former president of the Society of Architectural Historians, a member of the editorial boards of the University of Pennsylvania Press Landscape Studies series, and the international quarterly Studies in the History of Gardens Designed Landscapes.. She is founding board member of the Foundation for Landscape Studies, and board member of the Mount Vernon Place Conservancy, Baltimore.. She currently serves as an advisor to the United States Ambassadors Fund for the State Department.. Dr.. O'Malley was chair of the Association of Research Institutes in the History of Art from 1994 to 2000 and a senior fellow in Landscape Studies at Dumbarton Oaks from 1989 to 1995.. She lectures internationally and has been guest professor at Harvard, Princeton, University of Pennsylvania, and Temple University.. Kathryn R.. Barush received a Ph.. from the University of Oxford in 2012 and is currently a postdoctoral research associate at the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts (CASVA) at the National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.. Barush's work focuses on the art and material culture of religious pilgrimage.. Her dissertation, which she is currently preparing for publication, examined the intersections of the concept of pilgrimage and the visual imagination in the context of early to mid-nineteenth-century Britain.. Barush has presented aspects of her research at the College of William and Mary Institute for Pilgrimage Studies, the University of California, Berkeley, the University of Oxford, and the National Gallery of Art.. In addition, she has worked as a curatorial  ...   who have, since the 1930s, viewed his approximately two thousand drawings as documentation of vernacular life and the cultural landscape.. In spite of the long-standing familiarity with his work, little attention has been paid to the rich literary or image sources upon which he drew.. Two essays address the visual and textual sources of this album and offer new interpretations not only of the album, but also of Miller's larger body of work.. This study of Miller's "Guide to Central Park" has taken several approaches in order to create a context for the album, and to better understand the reception of Central Park in its opening years.. In addition to two scholarly essays, this digital publication makes it possible to include a facsimile of the whole album accompanied by transcriptions and descriptions; a map of Miller's scenes in Central Park; links to all the literary sources quoted by Miller; links to databases of relevant material including Central Park Commissioners annual reports; newspaper articles; audio and video clips of reenactments of the brass band music featured in Central Park; and finally, extensive links to visual comparanda.. This digital scholarly work consists of the following components:.. Lewis Miller, "Guide to Central Park": A full, annotated, digital facsimile.. A fully annotated digital facsimile of Lewis Miller's "Guide to Central Park" supplements the scholarly essays that contextualize the album.. In addition to viewing each page of the album, the reader can access more detailed information about the "Guide" and what it depicts.. Lewis Miller's View of American Landscape.. Therese O'Malley.. How and why did the new Central Park attract the attention of the folk artist Lewis Miller? O'Malley explains the significance of Miller's "Guide" within the artist's own oeuvre and in relation to the visual culture of Central Park at mid-century.. A Pilgrim in the Park: Sacred Space in Lewis Miller's "Guide to Central Park".. Barush discusses the theme of the religious traveler within Miller's "Guide," and contends that the religious and sentimental texts accompanying Miller's detailed watercolor drawings function as meditations or prayers, often inscribing a secular or natural site with a sacred significance.. Mapping Lewis Miller's "Guide to Central Park".. The pages of Miller's "Guide" are mapped onto contemporary Central Park, linking the features he depicts to their current locations.. The map opens in a new window.. About the Project..

    Original link path: /index.php/spring13/in-the-park-lewis-miller-chronicle-of-american-lanscape-midcentury
    Open archive

  • Title: Jiménez on Modernism and the Nude in Colombian Art
    Descriptive info: Maya Jiménez is Assistant Professor of Art History at Kingsborough Community College, City University of New York.. She earned her Ph.. at the Graduate Center, City University of New York, where she explored the cross-cultural influences between Latin American and European art in her dissertation, “Colombian Artists in Paris, 1865–1905.. ” She is also an English and Spanish Lecturer at the Museum of Modern Art.. Email the author maya.. jimenez[at]kbcc.. cuny.. edu.. Maya Jiménez.. “Insularity has been the principal characteristic of the fine arts in Colombia.. ”.. [1].. It is with this statement that Barney Cabrera opens his survey of Colombian art,.. Geografía del arte en Colombia.. (1965).. Insularity was, indeed, one of the defining traits of Colombian art from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth,.. [2].. due mainly to the political and economic instability of the post-independence era.. Numerous changes in government;.. [3].. civil war and territorial disputes;.. [4].. financial crises and a rise in national debt;.. [5].. and limited means of communication and transportation,.. [6].. all created a lack of national unity in Colombia.. Due to these domestic disturbances, Colombia was forced to look inward, which prevented its participation on an international stage.. [7].. In this context of cultural isolation, Colombians established their first government-sponsored art school, the Escuela de Bellas Artes, in 1886,.. [8].. which coincided with the founding of the Republic of Colombia that same year.. As a result of Colombia’s cultural insularity, the Escuela de Bellas Artes, from the start, experienced pedagogical limitations in its course offerings and artistic practices.. [9].. Most importantly, the academy did not offer courses in life drawing, which were common in European and North American art academies,.. [10].. because there were serious moral objections against the use of nude models.. Confined to drawing and painting from reproductive prints and plaster casts, Colombian artists struggled in their attempts to master the most elevated of genres, those that relied on the depiction of the human figure.. At the Academia de San Carlos in Mexico City, established in 1785, the practice of life drawing—from both nude male and female models—was instated as early as 1867.. [11].. In most of the art academies in Latin American countries, however, the practice of drawing from the live model was not fully accepted until the early twentieth century.. [12].. As a result, the only way in which Colombian artists could engage in this practice was by traveling either to Mexico or to Europe.. From 1885 to 1899, ninety-five Colombians traveled to Europe,.. [13].. among them ten art students who arrived in Paris,.. [14].. the most alluring city for nineteenth-century aspiring artists.. [15].. In France, the rare presence of Colombian art students, in comparison to other Latin American nationals, can be confirmed by the enrollment records of Parisian art schools.. At the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, from 1878 to 1902, only one Colombian artist, Andrés de Santa María (1860–1945) enrolled, whereas five Mexicans and five Chileans registered.. [16].. The majority of Latin American artists at the Académie Julian came from Argentina, Brazil, and Chile.. [17].. Among the few Colombian artists to travel to Europe were Epifanio Garay (1849–1903), Salvador Moreno (1874–1940), and Francisco Antonio Cano (1865–1935).. All three artists were government-pensioned, and, as a result, the conditions and duration of their trip were subject to the financial limitations of the Colombian government.. [18].. Through Garay’s and Cano’s nude paintings, and Garay’s introduction of life drawing and his exhibition of nudes in Colombia, these Colombian travelers, upon their return, would challenge the limits of tolerance of innovation in a conservative society.. By introducing life classes, Garay not only helped to professionalize art practice, but he also established a precedent of challenging society with his art.. Cano was one to follow, continuing to paint the nude well into the twentieth century.. Without their example, Colombian art education and Colombian art would have remained underdeveloped and insular, further delaying the arrival of Modernism.. That the academic nude, typically excluded from any discussion of Modernism, was central to the development of Modernism in Colombia, speaks to the existence of different types of Modernism.. The ability of artists to challenge conventions and the boundaries of tradition and innovation is subject to the social, religious, and political circumstances of each country, as well as to its artistic heritage.. Whereas in France, the institutionalization of art education dates to the seventeenth century, in Colombia the Escuela de Bellas Artes was not established until 1886, with the introduction of the live model seven years later.. Artistic and pedagogical developments that elsewhere were accomplished across centuries, were, in Latin America and particularly at the Escuela de Bellas Artes, achieved within decades.. In Colombia, where the subject of the nude was introduced fairly early in comparison with its introduction in other countries in the region, the practice of life drawing and the exhibition of the female nude were considered gestures of rebellion, of.. épater le bourgeois.. (“shocking the middle class”).. This paper will first discuss art education in Colombia.. Then it will describe the experiences of some Colombian travelers in Paris, particularly with regard to their exposure to life drawing.. It will subsequently describe the introduction of life drawing in Colombia and the first exhibition of a female nude by a Colombian artist.. Finally, it will demonstrate how the nude helped to achieve the professionalization of artists and establish the trend towards greater internationalism and indeed towards modernity.. Early Art Education in Colombia.. In 1819, when Colombia proclaimed its independence from Spain, the country did not have any art schools.. It was not until 1863—nearly half a century later—that the earliest art school in Colombia, the Colegio San Bartolomé, was founded by the Jesuit priest Santiago Páramo (1841–1915).. [19].. Not surprisingly, the focus of this school was on painting and drawing religious subjects.. Ten years later, President Manuel Murillo Toro (1816–80) made an attempt to establish the first government-sponsored art school, the Academia Vásquez,.. [20].. but due to financial constraints and political roadblocks, it was not realized.. [21].. In 1881, two private art schools were established: the Escuela de Dibujo y Grabado (School of Drawing and Printmaking),.. [22].. by Colombian Alberto Urdaneta (1845–87); and the Academia Vásquez (also known as Escuela Gutiérrez), by Mexican Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez (1824–1904).. [23].. The Escuela Gutiérrez was perhaps the most ambitious and famous of these nineteenth-century private art institutions.. Classes here were free, but enrollment was limited, and the curriculum was restricted to painting and drawing.. [24].. Students learned by copying European manuals, book illustrations, and print reproductions of either religious or academic paintings.. On April 10, 1886, the first public art academy was established in the capital city of Bogotá.. The Escuela de Bellas Artes represented the institutionalization of art in Colombia in that, as art historian Eduardo Serrano notes, it marked the transformation from artisan to artist and introduced the idea of contemporary art in Colombia.. [25].. Its first director, Urdaneta, who had five years earlier established the Escuela de Dibujo y Grabado, was one of the first Colombian artists to travel to France, having visited Paris in both 1865 and 1878.. In Paris, Urdaneta studied with Paul Césaire Gariot (1811–80).. [26].. and, according to many scholars, with French painter Jean-Louis Ernest Meissonier (1815–91).. [27].. His artistic training abroad made him a unique candidate to lead the academy.. The selection of Urdaneta as Director of the Escuela de Bellas Artes set a precedent in Colombian art education that guaranteed the presence of foreign-trained and foreign artists in the establishment and development of an arts curriculum.. Indeed, for the remainder of the nineteenth century and even into the twentieth, the educators at the Escuela de Bellas Artes would continue to look to Europe as a source of artistic influence.. [28].. Yet despite this European influence, art students at the Escuela de Bellas Artes did not practice life drawing.. The study of the nude model was considered morally offensive in Colombia, where, as a whole, society was politically and religiously conservative—a result of La Regeneración (1886–99), a movement that restored Catholic values and installed a centralist government under the leadership of President Rafael Núñez (1825–94).. The absence of training in life drawing limited artists’ mastery of history, portrait, and genre painting but was considered less serious than offending public sensibilities with regard to the exposure of the nude in a government-sponsored school, even within the limited confines of the classroom.. Artists’ Travels to Paris and the First Encounter with the Nude.. At the French Académie Royale de Peinture et de Sculpture (later renamed Ecole des Beaux-Arts), founded in 1648, the primary function of the life class was its ability to expand on the study of the human figure.. [29].. Whereas plaster casts of the antique provided an example of the idealized human body, the live model served as its realistic foil.. This close study of the human figure allowed for the creation of visual narratives, in which, according to Christine Giviskos, “figures had to be correctly drawn, appropriately expressive, and composed with a combination of the artist’s knowledge gained from studying the live, nude figure and that gained from studying great artistic models including classical statuary.. [30].. Visual narratives were the.. sine qua non.. of history painting, considered the highest of the genres of painting throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.. In the academy, drawing from life came only after the student had made copies after prints and plaster casts of antique sculptures, and even dissected cadavers in anatomy classes.. [31].. In France, the importance of life drawing dramatically increased in the nineteenth century.. This is reflected in the number of competitions that were based on the nude figure, including the entrance exam to the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, the monthly.. concours de places.. , and the annual competitions for the Prix de Rome.. [32].. In preparation for the rigorous entrance exam of the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, an artist by the name of Rodolphe Julian (1839–1907) established the Académie Julian in 1868.. Not surprisingly, the most important offering of the Académie Julian was life drawing.. [33].. This was not only beneficial for students aspiring to enter the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, but also for female artists who sought the same artistic training as men,.. [34].. as well as for foreign artists, who traveled to Paris in search of these same opportunities.. [35].. At least six Colombian artists, among them Garay, Moreno, and Cano, enrolled at the Académie Julian from 1882 to 1904, making this studio the most popular destination among Colombian travelers to Paris.. [36].. While life drawing was introduced in the Escuela de Bellas Artes in 1893 and then intermittently offered until it was officially instated in 1904,.. [37].. most Colombian artists traveling to Paris before 1904—including Garay, Moreno, and Cano—encountered the subject of the nude for the first time while abroad.. Since little is known of Garay’s nude studies in Paris,.. [38].. the work of Moreno and Cano here serve as examples of how the practice of drawing and painting from the nude reflected their experiences at the Académie Julian.. Back.. , 1897.. Oil on canvas.. Museo Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.. '});">.. Fig.. 1, Salvador Moreno,.. Model of the Académie Julian.. , 1898.. Colección del Banco de la República, Bogotá.. 2, Francisco Antonio Cano,.. Apuntes de viaje, Medellín–París 1897–1899.. (Bogotá: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 2004), n.. p.. 3, Francisco Antonio Cano, Sketches.. Pencil on paper.. From.. 4, Francisco Antonio Cano, Sketches.. L’Académie Julian.. (Paris, 1903).. Bibliothèque François-Mitterrand, Paris.. 5, Cover of.. In 1897, Moreno painted.. (fig.. 1), a study of an elderly nude male model seen from behind.. The attention to detail with which Moreno painted the model gives evidence of the artist’s focus.. In the lower right-hand corner of the canvas, Moreno wrote “To my distinguished protector and friend Mr.. R.. Pombo/ J.. S.. Moreno/ Paris 1897.. [39].. The dedication of this routine study to the poet and art patron Rafael Pombo.. [40].. (1833–1912) shows Moreno’s desire to share his newfound interest in life drawing with a friend, who, he knew, would understand and appreciate it.. [41].. Francisco Cano made both drawings and paintings of the nude model.. (1898; fig.. 2) may serve as an example of the numerous painted.. académies.. he executed while in Paris.. In this study, Cano depicts the model in a rigidly frontal pose and positions him at the center of the composition, providing the nude with the same attention to detail seen in the work of Moreno.. In his travel notebook,.. Apuntes de viaje, Medellín - París 1897–1899.. ,.. Cano made many drawings of the models of the Académie Julian, including both women and men (figs.. 3 and 4).. The presence of the female model in Cano’s drawings confirms that the practice of life drawing was not confined to male models, as it was at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts.. [42].. Additionally, one of the innovations of the Académie Julian was that both men and women,  ...   from the 1876 Centennial International Exhibition in Philadelphia, and the 1900 Exposition Universelle in Paris.. Frédéric Martínez, “¿Como representar a Colombia? De las exposiciones universales a la Exposición del Centenario, 1851–1910,” in.. Museo, memoria y nación: Misión de los museos nacionales para los ciudadanos del futuro.. , ed.. Gonzalo Sánchez Gómez and María Emma Wills Obregón (Bogotá: Museo Nacional de Colombia, 2000), 219.. The Instituto de Bellas Artes (later named Escuela de Bellas Artes) was approved by Law 67 of 1882; however, due to financial and political roadblocks, the school did not open until 1886.. Eduardo Serrano, in.. Cien años de arte colombiano 1886–1986.. (Bogotá: Museo de Arte Moderno, 1985), 17, explains how the establishment of the Escuela de Bellas Artes in 1886 marked the earliest transformation from artisan to artist.. [9] While courses in sculpture and architecture were offered, the curriculum at the Escuela de Bellas Artes focused primarily on painting, hence the large number of classes in drawing, anatomy, watercolor, and perspective.. Historia del Arte Colombiano.. (Bogotá: Salvat Editores Colombiana, 1977), 6:1286.. At the Philadelphia Academy of the Fine Arts, established in 1805, the practice of live modeling first appeared in the 1850s, although it continued to be a point of contention well into the 1880s.. Akela Reason,.. Thomas Eakins and the Uses of History.. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 33.. [11] Esther Acevedo, “Desnudo femenino al natural,”.. Revista Historias.. 46 (May-August 2000): 104.. [12] The practice of life drawing was introduced to the Escuela de Bellas Artes in Quito in 1906, according to Michele Greet,.. Beyond National Identity: Pictorial Indigenism as a Modernist Strategy in Andean Art, 1920–1960.. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009), 25.. According to Dawn Ades, in.. Art in Latin America.. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 30, “in Venezuela, drawing from the nude female model was still forbidden in the Academy in 1904.. Frédéric Martínez, in.. El nacionalismo cosmopolita: La referencia europea en la construcción nacional en Colombia 1845–1900.. (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 2001), 202, compiled a database of 580 Colombian travelers to Europe from 1845 to 1900, based on correspondence, periodicals, diplomatic and consular listings, and catalogues of international exhibitions.. I compiled a list of Colombian travelers to Paris based on archival materials, including the enrollment records of the Ecole des Beaux-Arts and Académie Julian, the catalogues of Parisian salons and international exhibitions, and French and Colombian periodicals, as well as secondary sources.. For more information on Paris as the artistic destination of the nineteenth century, see John Milner,.. The Studios of Paris: The Capital of Art in the Late Nineteenth Century.. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), and H.. Barbara Weinberg,.. The Lure of Paris: Nineteenth-Century American Painters and their French Teacher.. s (New York: Abbeville Press Publishers, 1991).. José Sebastián Segura (Mexico), Luis Anzonera y Agrada (Mexico), Ernesto Moncayo (Ecuador), José Astega (Chile), G.. B.. Billa (Chile), Clemente Calderon (Peru), Joaquín Clausell (Mexico), Galíndez (Argentina), Rafael García y Sánchez Facio (Mexico), Higinio González (Chile), Nicanor González-Méndez (Chile), Miguel Miramón (Mexico), Xavier de Porto-Seguro (Chile), E.. Hoynaz Sucre (Venezuela), and Alfredo Valenzuela Puelma (Chile) enrolled at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts.. File AJ 52, Archives of the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Archives Nationales, Paris.. The enrollment records of all registered students, including Colombian and other Latin American artists, are contained in File 63 AS, Archives of the Académie Julian, Archives Nationales, Paris.. Garay’s government scholarship to Paris was terminated early because of civil unrest, while Cano was also forced, in 1901, to return early to Medellín.. [19] “Tres pintores colombianos: Santiago Páramo, S.. , Ricardo Acevedo Bernal y Roberto Pizano Restrepo,”.. El Grafico.. 21 no.. 989, July 1930, 654.. President Manuel Murillo Toro, Law 98 of June 4, 1873, Bogotá, Colombia.. [21] Raúl Arturo Díaz Sánchez, “Cronología,” in.. Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez: Pasión y destino.. Esperanza Garrido, Raúl Arturo Díaz Sánchez, Alfonso Sanchéz Arteche, and Héctor Serrano Barquín (Toluca: Instituto Mexiquense de Cultura, 1993), 66.. The Escuela de Dibujo y Grabado was dedicated to drawing and printmaking.. Printmaking was especially important to Urdaneta, who had established in Paris in 1878 the illustrated magazine.. Los Andes.. , which ran for one year, and who founded in Bogotá the most ambitious and longest-running publication of the period,.. Papel Periódico Ilustrado.. (1881–1887).. President Rafael Núñez, Law 65 of January 28, 1881, Bogotá, Colombia.. Beatriz González,.. El arte colombiano en el siglo XIX.. (Bogotá: Fondo Cultural Cafetero, 2004), 106.. Serrano,.. Cien años.. , 17.. Urdaneta is listed as a pupil of Gariot, in H.. Janson,.. Catalogues of the Paris Salon, 1673–1881.. (New York: Garland Publishing, 1977), 59:11.. María Fernanda Urdaneta,.. Alberto Urdaneta: Vida y obra.. (Bogotá: Biblioteca Luis Angel Arango, 1992), 14; Pilar Moreno de Angel,.. Alberto Urdaneta.. (Bogotá: Bogotá Instituto Colombiano de Cultura, 1972), 61; and Carmen Ortega Ricaurte,.. Diccionario de Artistas en Colombia.. (Barcelona: Plaza Janes, 1979), 489.. Marta Fajardo de Rueda,.. Presencia de los Maestros: 1886–1960.. (Bogotá: Museo de Arte Universidad Nacional, 1986), 2; and González,.. El arte colombiano.. 107.. Anthea Callen, “The Body and Difference: Anatomy training at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris in the Later Nineteenth Century,”.. Art History.. 20, no.. 1 (March 1997): 23.. Christine Giviskos, “.. Académie, académie, etude.. : Figural Drawing in France, 1650–1885.. ”.. in.. The Language of the Nude: Four Centuries of Drawing the Human Body.. William Breazeale, Susan Anderson, Christine Giviskos, and Christiane Anderson (Burlington, VT: Lund Humphries, 2008),.. 86.. William Breazeale, introduction to Breazeale and others,.. Language of the Nude.. , 10; and Callen, “Body and Difference,” 34–35.. Susan Waller,.. The Invention of the Model: Artists and Models in Paris 1830–1870.. (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2006), 7.. According to Catherine Fehrer, “the Academie Julian soon achieved a reputation for excellence in academic figure studies; this particular distinction attracted art students from all over the world.. ” in “Introduction,” in.. Overcoming all Obstacles: The Women of the Académie Julian.. (New York: Dahesh Museum, 1999), 3.. Women were not accepted into the Ecole des Beaux-Arts until 1897.. As a result, women who sought the practice of life drawing studied at independent art studios like the Académie Julian.. Entry into the Ecole des Beaux-Arts depended on diplomatic affiliations, as evidenced by a letter written by a representative of the Legación de los Estados Unidos de Colombia, Paris, to the director of the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Paris, December 11, 1882, transcript in the hand of the representative from the Legación de los Estados Unidos de Colombia, in which the Colombian government requests that the director of the Ecole take special consideration when reviewing Santa Maria’s application.. There were also age restrictions that prevented Cano’s admission, since in 1898 he was 32 years old, exceeding the 15 to 30-year rule.. Juan Camilo Escobar Villegas,.. Francisco Antonio Cano 1865–1935.. (Medellín: Museo de Antioquia, 2003), 47.. According to the Archives of the Académie Julian, file 63 AS 1, preserved at the Archives Nationales, Paris, Epifanio Garay is listed as Stephan Garay, a resident of Bogotá, Colombia, and enrolled at the Académie Julian from 1882 to 1884, under the pupilage of William-Adolphe Bouguereau at 31 rue du Dragon; according to file 63 AS 2, Salvador Moreno enrolled at the Académie Julian from April 13 to October 14, 1894 and again from October 28, 1895 to October 26, 1896, under the pupilage of Tony Robert-Fleury and Jules-Joseph Lefebvre; and according to file 63 AS 4, Francisco A.. Cano registered under Jean Paul Laurens and Benjamin Constant at 63 Rue Monsieur le Prince, from July 11, 1898 to January 11, 1899, and again from January 30 to February 6, 1899.. Max Grillo, “Andrés de Santa María Insigne Pintor,”.. 3, no.. 7 (July 1945): 65.. André de Ridder, in.. Andrés de Santa María.. (Brussels: Editions de la Bascule, 1937), 83, discusses how Santa María introduced to the Escuela de Bellas Artes “ideas and methods taken from his frequent stays at European schools and studios” (“ideas y métodos tomados de sus frecuentes estadías en colegios y talleres europeos”).. Francisco A.. Cano, in “Epifanio Garay,”.. Lectura y Arte.. , no.. 4/5 (December 1903): 63, discusses an earlier nude painting by Garay that was entered in a Parisian competition.. “A mi distinguido protector y amigo Sr.. Pombo/J.. S.. Moreno/ París 1897.. Beatriz Helena Robledo, in.. Rafael Pombo: La vida de un poeta.. (.. Bogotá: Vergara Grupo Zeta, 2005), discusses Pombo’s influential role on the literary and artistic culture of Colombia during the nineteenth century.. Pombo was a great supporter of the arts and artists in Colombia.. In 1873, he invited Santiago Gutiérrez to Colombia to establish the Academia Vásquez, realized in 1881.. In “El pintor antioqueño,”.. El Siglo.. , May 1897, n.. , Pombo asked, in an open letter to the Colombian government, that Cano and another artist, José Eugenio Montoya (1860–1922), be granted scholarships to travel to Europe.. [42].. Gabriel P.. Weisberg, “The Women of the Académie Julian: The Power of Professional Emulation,” in.. Weisberg and Jane R.. Becker, 13.. Female models in particular were a concern in Paris, where, until 1863, according to Waller, “for reasons of propriety and ideology, only male models posed nude in the Ecole des Beaux-Arts.. ” Waller,.. Invention of the Model.. , 1.. In the United States, at the Philadelphia Academy of the Fine Arts, Thomas Eakins (1844–1916) was dismissed from his professorship when in 1886 he removed the loincloth of a male model in the presence of female art students.. Amy Beth Werbel,.. Thomas Eakins: Art, Medicine, and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia.. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 75.. “la clase del desnudo que en las primeras horas de la noche tiene lugar en esta Academia.. ” Hermenegildo Estevan, President of the Real Accademia di Belle Arte, Rome, to the Legación de Colombia en Italia, November 12, 1928, transcript in printed format, Archives of the Escuela de Bellas Artes, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.. “En repetidas ocasiones ha hecho presente a Ud.. El infrascrito Ministro, verbalmente, que no conviene el uso de modelos tomados de mujeres al natural en esa Escuela, para las clases de Pintura y Escultura, porque eso pugna contra la moral y las costumbres de nuestra sociedad.. Sin embargo, se han seguido pasando cuentas por salarios de dichos modelos, y desde ahora aviso a Ud.. que en adelante no se reconocerán en este Ministerio servicios de esa naturaleza.. ” Liberio Zerda, Ministerio de Instrucción Pública, Bogotá, to Rector de la Escuela de Bellas Artes, Bogotá, April 1, 1894, transcript in the hand of Liberio Zerda, Archives of the Escuela de Bellas Artes, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.. President Reyes also permitted other institutional changes at the Escuela de Bellas Artes, including the creation of the Escuela Profesional de Artes Decorativas Industriales, also introduced during Santa María’s tenure.. For more information on how President Reyes aided in the development of the Escuela de Bellas Artes, see Alvaro Medina,.. Procesos del arte en Colombia.. (Bogotá: Instituto Colombiano de Cultura, 1978), 77–89.. “Reyes recibió a los estudiantes en su palacio y cuando ellos le expusieron, delante del ministro pudoroso, el motivo de su visita, limitose a llamar a su hija mayor, aficionada al arte de la pintura.. Reyes resolvió la petición de los estudiantes diciendo: ‘Que Sofía venga a decidir el asunto.. ’ Antes los estudiantes perplejos y el azorado ministro, la señora hija del presidente declaro que en todas las academias de pintura del mundo se estudiaba el desnudo del cuerpo humano.. ” Grillo, Andrés de Santa María, 65.. González,.. Arte Colombiano.. According to Alfonso Sánchez Arteche, “Aproximación al mundo de Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez,” in.. Garrido and others,.. Felipe Santiago Gutiérrez.. 106, Gutiérrez’s.. Huntress of the Andes.. was the first nude in Mexican painting.. Carlos Miguel Pizarro,.. Exposición Nacional de Bellas Artes de 1899.. (Bogota: B.. B.. Delar, 1899), 5.. Jacinto Albarracín,.. :.. Los Artistas y Sus Críticos.. (Bogotá: Imprenta de Medardo Rivas.. 1899), 6.. “la especialidad de ese sitio, para que se abstengan de entrar los que bien tengan.. ” “Notas sobre la exposición,”.. El Heraldo.. , September 5, 1899.. “de los cuerpos en descomposición.. ” Albarracín,.. Exposición Nacional.. 5.. “inanimado y ya en descomposición.. con apariencias visibles de estar apenas dormida.. ” Ibid.. , 5–6.. The story, taken from the Old Testament’s Book of Judges, tells how the wife of a Levite, who was unfaithful to her husband, met her punishment when she was raped and abused by thieves.. In.. , Garay has depicted the husband’s discovery of his wife’s body, which lies stripped naked on their doorstep.. Max Grillo, “Por la crítica,”.. El Autonomista.. , October 4, 1899.. “Decirle á un pintor que ha copiado el desnudo de fotograma, es como comprobarle á un poeta que ha plagiado literalmente un poema.. Cano, “Epifanio Garay,”.. 4/5 (December 1903): 69.. Letter from Teresa Cuervo Borda to Alberto Galindo, Director of.. El Liberal.. , Bogotá, March 25, 1950, transcript in printed format, Archives of the Museo Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.. “la ignorancia y falta de cultura” Ibid..

    Original link path: /index.php/spring13/jimenez-modernism-and-the-nude-in-colombian-art
    Open archive

  • Title: Hodge and Dolls and the Making of Japanese Modernity
    Descriptive info: Marguerite Hodge is a first-year doctoral student in the Department of Art History, Theory, and Criticism at University of California, San Diego.. Her research interests concern thematics of volatility, affect, and embodiment within material and visual culture, focused primarily through interchange between Japan and France.. Email the author mvhodge[at]ucsd.. Marguerite V.. Prologue.. Commodore Perry’s journal of his voyage from Japan contains the entry, “8 boxes, 13 dolls.. Lacking any further description, the entry is part of an inventory of items received by the US Naval Captain during the signing of the 1854 Kanagawa Treaty.. To commemorate the official opening of Japan’s borders to foreign trade, the two nations exchanged “diplomatic gifts,” privileged cultural objects intended to display national achievement and commercial power.. Accordingly, the United States presented to Japan such items as a telegraphic device and a miniature train, while Japan’s gifts included brocades, porcelains, and lacquerware.. And yet the “13 dolls” remain somehow unaccounted for in this political context, their purpose elusive among the more overt status claims of their surrounding objects.. What values did the dolls embody to be included in Japan’s official entourage of national product emissaries?.. , Gosho.. doll, 1868.. Wood and.. gofun.. Smithsonian Museum of Natural History, Washington, D.. 1.. Several of the dolls survive and offer clues.. One of these is of a type known as.. gosho.. , which depicts an exaggeratedly plump young boy, often holding a symbolic attribute (fig.. 1).. The term.. means old palace (御所), and indeed.. dolls were associated with the imperial court from the early Tokugawa, or Edo era (1603–1868), such being their prestige that the emperor awarded the dolls to.. daimyō.. (feudal lords) in official recognition of worthy tribute received.. But beyond being tokens of status, however exalted,.. gosho.. dolls were also thought to possess talismanic properties, and were revered as being auspicious.. Women embarking on a journey, for instance, carried with them a.. doll to avert trouble; the dolls also were sometimes placed in household shrines as a means to attract beneficial forces to those in its orbit.. Simultaneously totem and toy, religious amulet and political prize, in this way.. dolls functioned on a number of levels at once, blurring the borders between the sacred and secular.. In light of their historical connection to imperial power, the diplomatic gift of dolls is somewhat clearer.. Still, the question remains: why dolls? More importantly, what did these charged, polyvocal objects portend for Japan’s modernity?.. This is an essay about dolls, or more properly, the meanings that are invested in the making of dolls, and the subjectivities produced by engaging with dolls.. In particular, it explores the relationship between dolls and modernity as it was created and experienced in the context of Japan.. I want to propose that dolls played a critical role in the imaginative process by which Japan constructed its modernity; that, rather than being jettisoned to make room for “progress,” dolls were instrumentalized to negotiate that progress, serving as central vehicles through which foreign ideas were processed, reconfigured, and transmitted.. In so doing, dolls themselves became constitutive sites of Japanese modernity: material “re-makings” of “worlds already on hand.. And through their evolving technologies of manufacture, display, and diffusion, dolls vitally arbitrated the production of knowledge by which Japan made its modern world.. Of special concern here is the meeting of “old” and “new” worldviews.. While this intersection has been characterized historically in terms of contestation and rupture—sacred versus secular, traditional versus modern, etc.. —I suggest Japan’s modernization was neither so abrupt nor so disjunctive as presumed, and that its dolls were material witnesses to vibrant confluences of old and new paradigms, in particular that of myth and science.. In this regard, Stephen Greenblatt has characterized the peculiar allure of exhibited objects according to what he describes as their “resonance” and “wonder.. ” As he writes:.. By.. resonance.. I mean the power of the displayed object to reach out beyond its formal boundaries to a larger world, to evoke in the viewer the complex, dynamic cultural forces from which it has emerged and for which it may be taken by a viewer to stand.. wonder.. I mean the power of the displayed object to stop the viewer in his or her tracks, to convey an arresting sense of uniqueness, to evoke an exalted attention.. Affective as discrete qualities, resonance and wonder can also operate together in the same object as alternating or even simultaneous modes of engagement.. I introduce these terms here because I mean to employ them throughout as a way to register the rich and layered significance of dolls in Japan’s process of modernizing.. My premise for this unorthodox exploration derives from recognition that there are multiple modernities, and that the unique character of any given one is shaped by imaginative practices.. As Arjun Appadurai has observed, the cultural imagination is the “constitutive feature of modern subjectivity,” that which "is now central to all forms of agency.. and is the key component of the new global order.. ".. In this imaginative, world-making process, it is the objects of everyday life that figure so prominently and indispensably, and that in a felt, experiential way both contour and constitute our being in the world.. Dolls are privileged objects because, on a basic level, they are embedded yet mobile objects; bearers of deep-rooted communal values, dolls are also easily migratory, facile intercessors in a wide range of human affairs.. This is especially so in modernizing Japan as dolls became vital sites of commerce and intercultural exchange.. In this sense, the essay speaks to what might be called “the social life of dolls.. On a deeper level, dolls are privileged objects because they are mimetic, linking them innately to the human body, and thus to particular affect.. As material mirrors that both reflect and oppose perception, dolls uniquely supplement human self-affection.. Applied intensively to a cultural collective, it may be appropriate to speak of doll-engagement as a “technique of the self,” a particular kind of the “procedures.. suggested or prescribed to individuals in order to determine their identity, maintain it, or transform it.. through relations of self-mastery or self-knowledge.. In Japan, dramatic shifts in scale and verisimilitude were the hallmarks of modern dolls, suggesting a rarified form of collective self-knowledge, as well as self-affection.. By exploring the enigmatic quality of this relationality, the essay contributes to a comparative aesthetics of modern media techniques.. Finally, I want to clarify my usage of the key terms: Japanese modernity, “the West,” and “doll.. ” Scholarly consensus aligns the Tokugawa, or Edo, era with Japan’s early modernity, due at least as much to the sophisticated urban infrastructure that developed during that period as to the presence of burgeoning foreign influence.. I follow the contours of that consensus here, but apart from its historical and temporal lineaments, I neither ascribe to nor espouse a succinct conception of Japan’s experience of modernity.. Rather, I invoke what Homi Bhabha has described as the “transitional social reality” of modern nations as a general framework for approaching the complex specificity of Japan’s modernity.. That is to say, instead of narrating a fixed notion of Japan’s modernity, I characterize that modernity as an ambiguous and unstable ideological field, energized by particularized socio-economic, political, and cultural forces generated both internally and externally; a field onto which I offer a new vantage via the material ideas of its dolls.. My strategy here is thus not to delimit Japan’s modernity to the terms of extra-cultural interaction, much less to one set of exchanges within such interaction.. On the contrary, by examining key instances of such dialogue through the prismatic lens of Japan’s dolls, I seek to expand and enrich understanding of the larger transitional field that is Japan’s modernity.. Likewise, my reference to “the West” is intended not to indiscriminately aggregate the many modernities comprising Europe and the Americas, any more than it is meant to act as a monolithic foil for defining Japan’s modernity.. Instead, I use this term within the limited scope of this essay as a marker to designate a range of distinct foreign forces, a multiplicity that, relative to Japan, shares certain paradigmatic features.. Primary among these features are the valorization of science and of scientific modes of investigation.. As for the term “doll,” I employ it according to its usage in the context of modern Japan, one that is significantly enlarged and altered from the Western conception of doll with its nearly exclusive reference to a child’s toy.. Dolls in Japan are defined ambiguously, as suggested by the very word for doll,.. ningyō.. (人形).. Composed of the characters for human and shape, the Japanese doll even at the semantic level is unlimited as to category, size, or usage.. In social practice as well, dolls encompass a spectrum of human-shape objects, a fact reflected in the definition of doll offered by the eminent historian Tokubei Yamada, in his compendious study of Japanese dolls.. He writes that, with very little exception, dolls may be understood simply as “things made in the shape of a human.. All the dolls I examine in this essay were identified specifically as.. throughout Japan’s early and high modernity (and, in fact, continue to be referred to as such).. The essay is organized into three sections, followed by a conclusion.. I begin by introducing the historical significance and functions of dolls within Japanese society.. In the following section, I examine the re-making of the historical uses and meanings of dolls in the Edo era, focusing in particular on the evolution of the mechanical doll, and the anatomical doll.. The third section is devoted to the “modern doll” that consummates the technologies and concepts embodied in the previous dolls, and which bridges the late Edo and Meiji (1868–1912) eras.. I.. Animated Objects, Ambiguous Bodies: Placing Dolls In Pre-Modern Japan.. Japan possesses one of the richest traditions of dolls in the world.. From the origins of Japan’s history and continuing unabated to the present, dolls are a pervasive feature of Japanese society.. One way this is seen readily is that, unlike many societies, in which dolls reside primarily in the sphere of children, a great number and variety of dolls in Japan circulate among adults, often given as prestigious gifts at important cultural events such as weddings, company promotions, or affairs of state.. Japan’s culturally iconic and multi-streamed tradition of doll-theater (puppet-doll theater, and mechanical-doll theater, among other types) is another demonstration of the centrality of dolls in Japan, as is the widespread phenomenon of keeping some type of household display for dolls.. But perhaps the most extensive index of the vibrancy of Japan’s doll tradition is its sheer cultural saturation.. Produced in a bewildering variety of styles and sizes, and serving a diverse array of functions, the profusion of dolls in Japan permeates every domain of culture, from business to theater, religion to science, domesticity to art.. Even more remarkable than the social prominence and ubiquity of Japan’s dolls is the ambiguity that characterizes their human engagement.. That is to say, the perceived boundaries between humans and dolls in Japanese culture are often indeterminate.. In one sense, as body-doubles, the sheer abundance of Japan’s dolls intensifies the reflexivity of the human-doll relationship.. But this ambiguity occurs more fundamentally through residual beliefs and practices deriving from Japan’s traditional religious framework, which blends Shinto with Buddhism.. Shinto’s animistic beliefs attribute deific presence to the forces and objects of nature, producing a vital and affective field of energies that interpenetrates daily life.. Likewise, Buddhism’s multiple invisible realms, as well as hosts of deities, variously overlay and impinge upon the quotidian human world.. The intertwining of these beliefs in Japan produced over time a religious ethos and praxis characterized by principles of ambiguity: ideas and practices that express an underlying sense of fluidity between the realms of the latent and the manifest, the living and the dead, the human and the non-human.. The Whispering and Gossiping of Various Tools,.. ca.. 1847–52.. Woodblock print.. 2, Kuniyoshi Utagawa,.. Objects figure centrally within these beliefs as mediators between the worlds of human and divine, and are imparted a quality of imminence.. That is, inanimate objects are not viewed as inert, lifeless matter, but rather as possessing self-emergent capability.. This is well demonstrated in the consecration, or “eye-opening” ceremonies for Buddhist icons, by which the mimetic form is believed to “transform [from] a mere likeness into a divine presence.. Likewise, the founding narratives of many Buddhist temples recount the miraculous deeds of their animated icon.. No less potent is the vast system of ritual objects utilized in Buddhist devotional practice; charged with a transformative power, such objects are essential tools with which practitioners develop or transform themselves spiritually.. Japanese folklore similarly abounds with stories of inanimate objects that come to life or otherwise metamorphose.. This is particularly true for objects of human use, which are thought to become sentient over time, and can even be capable of malice.. This belief is reflected playfully in a woodblock print depicting anthropomorphized tools, entitled.. The Whispering and Gossiping of Various Tools.. 2).. Memorial Service For Dolls.. , ca.. 2000.. Photograph.. 3,.. Such beliefs are evidenced perhaps most vividly in the practice of.. kuyō.. (供養), or mortuary rites for inanimate objects.. In these Buddhist ceremonies, objects of long-term use are ritually purified and memorialized, either by burial or by cremation.. The literal equivalency between objects and humans drawn by this ritual is emphasized in the word.. itself, which means “to give offerings to nourish.. It is significant in terms of the continuation of Japan’s traditional beliefs, and the consequent resonance of its objects—dolls in particular—in modern Japan, that.. kuyō.. memorial services are a pervasive component of contemporary Japanese cultural practices.. In fact, as Fabio Rambelli notes: “The vast and fluid field of memorial services is arguably one of the most significant social and cultural contributions of Buddhism in contemporary Japan.. Throughout the year in Japan,.. services are held for a wide range of objects that have grown old through use, so to speak.. Prominent among these are such things as sewing needles, eyeglasses, writing brushes, fans—and especially dolls.. Indeed,.. for dolls is one of the most common, and celebrated, of the mortuary rites for inanimate objects (fig.. 3).. Within these ideas and practices that make amorphous the borders between the living and the non-living, Japan’s dolls are objects doubly charged.. That is, the imminence, or transformative potential, imputed to dolls as objects of close human use, is amplified through their human resemblance.. Accordingly, it is not surprising that dolls in Japan have served variously not only as talismans but as human surrogates.. For instance, the.. hina.. doll that is still given to girls at annual festivals today functioned originally as a human scapegoat, where it was used to symbolically collect toxins and then was floated out to sea.. Further, this highly charged, or wondrous, quality imputed to Japan’s dolls is intensified by what may be described as a certain congruency between dolls and devotional images.. While icons in Japan are not referred to typically as dolls, in practice there is overlap between these two classes of mimetic objects.. This is due not only to the sentience invested in both icons and dolls, but also because historically dolls have performed as much in religious as in secular life; whether presented to temples as votive offerings, for instance, or displayed in the home as repositories of spiritual forces, doll bodies have been the enigmatic mediators of Japan’s closely imbricated worlds of sacred and profane, private and public, animate and inanimate.. Dolls continued to navigate the merging of worlds in Japan’s modernity, for the multivalence of dolls throughout Japan’s pre-modern history informed their resonance as they evolved into new sites of wonder in Japan’s modernization.. Instead of diminishing in cultural value, dolls became modern Japan’s foremost cultural idiom through which new ideas were literally translated and performed.. Likewise, the ambiguous dynamic that characterized doll and human interaction in Japan’s pre-modern history intensified dramatically in modernizing Japan; the perceived mutability between doll and human bodies increased and literalized such that the world-making of Japan’s modernity may be said to be tantamount to the world-making of Japan’s dolls.. II.. Machines and Corpses: Making Modernity in Japan.. During the Edo era, under the military regime of the Tokugawa Shogunate, the period of sustained political stability gave rise to a complex urban society and a flourishing commercial culture that, by the eighteenth century, boasted the world’s largest population.. Likewise, Japan’s ideological infrastructure developed during the period to support a highly sophisticated array of cultural products.. In terms of institutional and political governance, as well as cultural production, Japan already evidenced its own incipient modernity.. As historian Willy Vande Walle has commented in this regard, “the Meiji and Taisho periods are the realization of something that was embryonic in the mid-Tokugawa period, was gestated in the late Tokugawa period, and burst into full bloom after the Meiji Restoration.. An important component of Japan’s early modernity was exposure to European knowledge.. Based strongly in medicine and science, this knowledge came from the Dutch trading presence at the Western port of Nagasaki.. As Timon Screech has shown, even though the Dutch were geographically circumscribed, their ideas and objects—such as optical devices and instruments—were not.. Rather, these were diffused throughout Edo-era culture, where they exercised a formative influence.. As Screech writes: “The scope of material exchange between Europe and Japan has.. been sorely underestimated.. Yet I would not imply that encounter was through goods alone.. Amid this thriving environment, Japan’s already-vibrant doll culture entered a new register of social significance as dolls literally took the center-stage of culture.. This is evidenced with particular force in the emergence and evolution, during the Edo era, of several types of doll theaters:.. karakuri-ningyō.. (からくり人形), or mechanical-doll theater, and.. ningyō-jōruri.. (人形浄瑠璃), or puppet-doll theater, as well as the.. kabuki.. theater (歌舞伎), whose human actors modeled their gestures, narratives, and dramatic concepts expressly on those of the doll theaters.. Together these three types of doll-theater dominated the cultural landscape of the Edo period, dynamically shaping the popular aesthetic language of its urban audience.. Further, dolls in modernizing Japan magnified the already-ambiguous relationship between dolls and humans in Japanese culture.. Over the course of the Edo era, dolls developed in various ways that increasingly dissolved their distinction from living humans; scale was one way, verisimilitude another, and motion yet a third, all of which entailed the exploration of new ideas as well as technologies to realize.. ningyō-jōruri.. , for instance, its integration of increasingly large-scale and realistic puppet-dolls with multiple operators blurred the borders between doll and human bodies in a newly complex way.. Likewise.. complicated the human-doll divide with the progressively intricate sophistication of its simulated motion.. And.. ’s incorporation of dolls into the human body by means of gesture created an unprecedented type of human-doll enmeshment.. Moreover, all of these developments took place amid the exponential proliferation of dolls in society at large.. During the Edo era, doll production soared as never before, such that not only were dolls of every occasion widely available to all social classes, but new types of dolls were made based on the.. puppet dolls of.. , on the “people-dolls” of.. , and on the mechanical dolls of.. : a profusion of doublings that in itself formed a type of doll-human blend.. The Famous, The Unrivalled Hidari Jingorō.. 1830-60.. 4, Kuniyoshi Utagawa,.. Actor Playing Hidari Jingorō With His Living Doll,.. 1857.. 5, Kunisada Utagawa,.. This amplified cultural presence of dolls, and the changes in doll design that intensified the melding of doll and human bodies, manifest the resonant force of Japan’s traditional beliefs about the imminence of objects amid modernizing conditions.. In addition to the evidence of doll bodies, this resonance is exemplified in the emergence, during Japan’s early modern era, of popular legends surrounding the historical figure of Hidari Jingorō.. Active during the preceding Momoyama era (1594–1634), Hidari Jingorō was a craftsman of humble origin who became renowned for his skill at carving Buddhist figures so convincingly that they were said to come to life.. Utagawa Kuniyoshi’s woodblock print depicting Hidari at work in his studio conveys a sense of his reputed animating power; the vividly emotive facial expressions and dynamic posturing of the carved figures that surround Hidari invest the objects with a forceful presence suggestive of imminence, if not pulsing blood (fig.. 4).. This tension in the scene is strengthened by the way Hidari’s gaze is turned away amid his carving; facing in the direction of the ferocious guardian statue glowering to his left, it is as though Jingorō has just been distracted from his work by a gesture or snarl from the feral figure.. This uncanny life-giving ability attributed to Hidari was not limited to religious subjects.. In fact, perhaps the single-most famous legend about Jingorō recounts how he transformed a doll into a living woman.. Comparable to the myth of Pygmalion in Western mythology, Hidari was said to have carved a large doll-portrait of a beautiful but unobtainable woman he admired.. One of the more common versions of the story continues that the doll-portrait came to life after Hidari placed a mirror belonging to the woman inside the doll’s garments.. Utagawa Kunisada’s rendering of this story shows the moment Hidari is startled in mid-drink by the motion and speech of his living doll (fig.. What is more, Kunisada’s image depicts a.. actor playing the part of Hidari with his living doll, one of innumerable such images; for throughout the entire Edo period, and continuing unabated into the Meiji era, the legend of Hidari Jingorō’s living dolls was as much a cultural phenomenon as the abundance of actual dolls themselves.. Indeed, considering that.. may be considered a theater of “people-dolls,” that.. actors frequently performed subject matter about dolls that metamorphose into people adds another layer of meaning to the superabundance and nebulous quality of doll doubling in Japan’s modernization.. In such ways as this, the legend of Hidari Jingorō, along with the dolls themselves, manifested and perpetuated the transfiguration of Japan’s traditional world-view in the process of modernization.. As the following sub-sections show, this process is witnessed with particularity in two types of dolls—mechanical dolls and anatomical dolls—because of their key roles in facilitating the trajectory of the life-like doll animation that came to emblematize modern Japan by the Meiji era.. These two doll types are distinguished also by the explicit influence upon their design and manufacture by foreign knowledge constructs.. Mechanical Dolls.. Like.. , mechanical dolls, or.. , were not new to modernizing Japan.. The twelfth-century collection of stories known as the.. Tales of Times Now and Past.. , for instance, describes what may be the earliest.. as the Heian era (794-1184) “water-boy”: a 4-foot tall doll that held over its head a jug which, when filled with water, tipped over and splashed the doll’s face.. Also like.. , which had been used to perform Buddhist didactic stories,.. in pre-modern Japan were associated with religious activities and events.. During the Kamakura period (1185–1333), for example, monks at Nara made lanterns that featured small.. for the summer.. Obon.. festival of the dead.. A key component of the.. ’s continued resonance in modernizing Japan was their superlative craftsmanship, which expressed the Japanese notion of.. saiku.. Meaning precision or fine skill, the term also carried the nuance of wonder.. Objects displaying.. were given traditionally to temples as votive offerings, though the popular appeal of these wondrous devices extended their presence beyond temple grounds, in the blurring of sacred and secular that is characteristic of dolls in Japan.. For instance, the fifteenth-century history,.. Record of Things Seen and Heard.. , describes marvelous reenactments of battle scenes using.. made by the monks of Nara (known as.. Nara-saiku.. ).. Yet at the same time,.. were also popular items at court where they were exchanged as gifts.. Karakuri-ningyō.. , again similar to.. , followed a progression of increasing size, realism, and complexity during Japan’s modernization.. Traditionally, mechanical dolls were operated by strings and pulleys that were hidden from view beneath the doll’s clothing (fig.. 6).. This construction was revolutionized—and a new cultural form of wonder produced—by literally incorporating the foreign technology of clockwork into the body of the doll.. Western-style clocks first had been introduced to Japan by Jesuit Missionaries beginning in the mid-sixteenth century.. But it was with the larger infiltration of scientific technology brought by the Dutch over the course of the seventeenth century that Western-style clocks entered the cultural main in Japan.. Among the mechanical and optical devices that constituted these new ideas, clockwork came to have a social prominence that, by the eighteenth century, was seen to exemplify a Dutch version of.. (and indeed was referred to as “.. Dutch-saiku.. ”).. As Screech observes, as clockwork “came to be seen as the quintessential precision mechanism, it bore an increased load of meaning until it stood generically for all cunning and advanced contrivances.. Mechanical doll.. , 18th century.. Wood and rope.. 6,.. Tea-serving mechanical doll.. , 19th century.. Metal, cloth, wood, and.. 7,.. Domestic Scene with Mechanical Doll.. 1800.. 8,.. 9, Advertisement for Takeda mechanical-doll theater, 18th century.. Doll bodies were the primary forum for experimenting with, implementing, and displaying the new clockwork technology—and its associated.. An example of a “tea-serving”.. illustrates well how the fundamental operative structure of the.. was overhauled (fig.. 7).. Instead of a simple configuration of ropes and pulleys, the doll’s body is now composed of an intricate system of wheels, levers, and springs, a system that increases the doll’s range of motion, as well as refines the quality thereof.. For instance, the doll seen here could deliver a cup of tea, “walking” smoothly enough while doing so to avoid spillage; the mechanism was also sufficiently sensitive so that, when the drained teacup was replaced on the tray, its lighter weight triggered the doll’s 180-degree rotation and return to its origin.. Such improved functionality generated more naturalistic movement so that the simulated human motion of the modernizing.. enhanced its realism as a whole.. In this way, the adaptation of clockwork technology in Japan deepened the alliance between machine and doll—and thus also that between doll and human.. The wonder produced by the moving dolls can be seen in an Edo-era woodblock print of a family marveling at their own tea-serving.. karakuri-ningyō.. 8).. The print also testifies to the widespread cultural commerce of.. among the myriad dolls populating the Edo period.. This machine-doll-human alliance continued to strengthen as.. progressively grew in verism and complexity.. This development is witnessed strongly in the many theatrical exhibits of.. in the Edo era.. Inspired by the great public enthusiasm for the new.. of mechanical dolls, theaters designed expressly for the performance of.. emerged and proliferated, rivaling the other doll theaters of.. and.. The most famous among these was the.. theater of Takeda Omi, who capitalized on the new doll spectacle that blended tradition and modern technology.. Set up on an outdoor stage, Takeda’s works included such impressive displays as a life-sized mechanical  ...   are the lustrous skin tone and expressive facial features that vivify the.. beyond their naturalistic modeling and automated movements.. By these visceral re-animations of religious figures, the.. became themselves material sites in which the sacred and profane—as well as old and new, tradition and modernity—were enigmatically blended, thus complicating and intensifying their status as resonantly modern wonders.. Such amorphous meldings reached perhaps the ultimate climax in a tour-de-force of.. iki-ningyō.. history: Matsumoto Kisaburo’s life-sized mechanical.. display of the Buddhist deity.. Designed for the Asakusa temple as part of an 80-day.. , the lavish production presented over seventy-five figures in a series of vignettes that enacted the miraculous stories of the goddess of mercy as she traveled to each of her thirty-three pilgrimage sites.. [90].. The graceful and sinuous lines of the.. figure convey a superlative vitality that is echoed in the folds of her sumptuous silk garments as they cascade rhythmically down her doll-body (fig.. 27).. Likewise, the lilting head-turn and delicate gestural curves of the elbow and hand communicate a marvelous quality of subtle motion.. As well, the glowing complexion and exquisite facial features—including individual ivory teeth and glass-inset eyes—exude an expression both serene and beguiling whose total effect is captivating.. Kannon.. doll is without doubt a virtuosic display of.. fabrication.. Intriguingly, Matsumoto was of the very same opinion, finding his creation to embody so perfectly the essence of the famed Buddhist deity that he donated the doll to the.. Jokoku-ji.. temple in his hometown of Kumamoto.. As an examplar of modern Japan’s conflation of the sacred and the profane, the doll-icon resides to this day at.. “as an object of veneration.. [91].. In its place to appear in the.. , Matsumoto made another.. of the.. figure: a doll double.. Originally unveiled in 1871, the elaborate exhibition of the.. -double visiting her thirty-three pilgrimage sites was the “prize attraction” of the capital, so popular that it ran for nine years in succession.. [92].. Marvelous Nationhood.. In addition to the bodily reiteration of deities and living persons,.. also doubled figures from history, literature, and legend.. For instance, another renowned.. maker, Yasumoto Kamehachi, produced in 1857 a reenactment of the medieval legend of Chushingura;.. set in a series of.. tableau.. materialized the famous narrative of 47 roaming samurai.. [93].. His 1871 monumental re-creation of the 53 stations of the Tokaido Road was even more stunning to Osaka viewers.. [94].. Amid the.. ’s ambiguous configurations of place, space, and function, these material recapitulations conflated temporalities as well, conjuring an enigmatic present at once palpably immediate yet also redolent with mythic and historical time past.. Further, by instantiating history—imagined as well as actual histories—these doll incarnations of the past served to reinforce and validate a collective narrative of Japanese culture.. For instance, considering again the Tokaido Road display, it becomes clear how the mandated annual journey of daimyō to pay tribute to the Emperor—stopping at each of the 53 policed stations en route—is re-inscribed in the.. body as a marvelous cultural heritage: a source of collective identity as much as wonderment and delight.. In this regard, some of the most poignant examples of the.. iki-ningyō’s.. historic re-animations were modeled from the text.. Chinsetsu Kidan Ehon Bankokushi.. , or “Illustrated Strange Tales and Wonderful Accounts of the Countries of the World.. ” First written in 1772, and updated in 1826, the book is a fantastic but telling history of Japan’s self-conception as a people.. [95].. Here, as in the.. context, modalities of space and time are blurred together in an imagined locus of Japanese identity.. Japan is envisaged situated at the center of the world from which other countries radiate outward, their inhabitants increasingly inscrutable in proportion to their distance from Japan.. illustration of “living doll” display of scene from.. Illustrated Strange Tales and Wonderful Accounts of the Countries of the World,.. 1855.. 28, Kuniyoshi Utagawa.. Significantly, this geographically determined unknowability of foreign beings is correlated to physical abnormalities.. [96].. An 1855 woodblock print by Kuniyoshi, for instance, shows an.. display featuring figures incongruously combined from the “Land of People with Long Arms” and the “Land of People with No Stomachs” (fig.. 28).. As though the bizarre physical attributes of the doll-foreigners were not spectacle enough, the exotic otherness of the scene is accentuated by the mountainous terrain, another geographic signifier of cognitive distance.. [97].. More flagrant still is the untoward dispositions of the creatures and the clearly Sino-fied facial features.. displays modeled after the “Strange Tales” and other accounts of foreign lands are especially vibrant in relation to Japan’s burgeoning high modernity in that they fostered a tacitly racial group identity by othering the ethnicities of non-Japanese peoples.. [98].. In this sense, as three-dimensional models that portray racial characteristics, such.. displays also operated as ethnographic exhibits—an especially distinctive phenomenon, as the Western concept of ethnography per se, and its representational milieu, had not yet been fully formed, much less interacted with Japan’s modernity.. This manifest alliance of collective identity and ethnographic logic is significant in showing again the enigmatic quality of the.. , as well as enunciating its adaptability and effectiveness in serving the purposes of modern nationhood.. Further, the geographical underpinnings of the “Strange Tales” and their doll-displays implicate the shifting of Japan’s ideological borders, which, as Tessa Suzuki-Morris has shown, is crucial to the construction of nationhood.. As she writes: “The creation of nationhood involves not only the drawing of political frontiers but the development of an image of the nation as a single natural environment or habitat.. [99].. Likewise, this constructed allegiance is supported by establishing narratives of ethnicity.. [100].. Here it is interesting to observe the enigmatic power of the.. and its context at work; despite the centrist logic of the “Strange Tales,” the doll-rendering of foreigners ironically re-locates those peripheral figures to the imaginary center of Japan’s world-making practices: the.. , where the doubles of foreigners mingle in wonder with the marvelous doubles of deities, nobles and commoners alike.. Hidari Jingorō With His Living Doll.. 29, Toshihide Migita,.. Finally, amid these nationalizing re-inscriptions of Japan’s traditional ideas into doll bodies, the figure of Hidari Jingorō and his living doll remained a vital phenomenon.. A woodblock print produced in 1898 illustrates the continuing force of this figure, and of its culturally embedded principles of object animation and of the interpenetration of sacred and secular spheres (fig.. 29).. Seated on the floor in an attitude of rapt admiration, Hidari Jingorō gazes upward at his living doll—now fully life-sized—in the moment of imminence before the doll actually moves and speaks.. The doll’s radiant animation, achieved by Hidari’s bravura realist technique, recapitulates visually Japan’s modernization as manifested through its intensive engagement with dolls.. In these many ways, we see how the.. emerged as the technological and ideological apex of its doll-precursors, and how its enigmatic resonance was augmented in the.. misemono’s.. characteristic blurring of structural and perceptual modalities.. And from within this charged environment, the.. performed the re-constitution of Japan’s knowledge-practices, fostering and inculcating Japan’s modern identity as a nation thereby.. Conclusion.. Modernities are ideological as much as political and technological configurations.. Though intangible and malleable, the collective ideas of modern imaginaries contour, empower, and mobilize national allegiances with a facility at least as great as that of more visible social machineries.. Techniques used to shape ideology thus figure crucially in modernizing agendas and the world-making enacted thereby.. This is especially true, and especially fraught, in the leveraging of its dolls in the making of Japan’s modernity.. As we have seen, dolls served as critical sites through which Japan confronted the tensions and anxieties engendered by its encounter with the new and foreign.. Doll bodies were the testing grounds for new technologies: physical loci through which new ideas were materially processed, interpreted, and concretized.. The alacrity with which Japan’s doll designs continually evolved testifies both to the dynamic power of knowledge practices and to the instability of media technologies, within the social economy of those practices.. [101].. In thus bearing witness to Japan’s modernization, doll bodies interfaced the melding of old and new cosmologies.. The animistic affiliations of Japan’s historical dolls converged with the modern rhetoric of medicine and machinery to produce newly enigmatic sites of bodily wonder.. These doll-imbrications of old and new paradigms speak to the persistence of the sacred amid the modern.. As Barbara Maria Stafford has observed: “The typically modern, ‘Enlightened’ association of technology with secularization tends to overlook its historical role in materialization of the sacred.. [102].. Stafford’s comment is directed toward a European context but applies equally, if not with extra force, to Japan, where mythic and modern beliefs intermingled and blended through the various articulations of its modern dolls.. Japan’s dolls performed likewise as auratic sites of national inscription: bodies in which narratives of the nation overwrote their magical resonances.. These embodied palimpsests of modern wonder distilled and purveyed Japan’s modern world-making to a nationalizing collective.. Moreover, these same objects transplanted abroad a Japanese modernity indelibly associated with dolls.. In this light, it is well to return to the dolls given to Commodore Perry, and to the questions posed at the outset of this essay.. After the investigation undertaken here, the initial question now is not so much why dolls were presented to the Commodore at all—for the evident cultural value of dolls in Japan justifies fully their presence as gifts of state—but rather why the.. type.. of doll was given.. [103].. Indeed, given the tremendous cultural prestige and signification of Japan’s modern dolls—in particular the.. —why were they not chosen instead? This seems especially odd to consider that the comparatively humble.. dolls were each under four inches tall.. [104].. Indeed, if the.. type of doll was chosen to exhibit traditional skills as much as associations, far more visually impressive models abounded.. [105].. Given that the Kanagawa negotiations were undoubtedly undergirded by hostility, it is interesting to speculate as to the reason for the purposeful doll selection.. It is true that the.. doll’s imperial association made it appropriate to the official occasion, and ostensibly demonstrated Japan’s respect toward the commodore.. However, in view of the issue just raised in regard to the inferior cultural status of the.. relative to mechanical and “living” dolls, the integrity of that intention becomes less assured.. The symbolism of the dolls’ various attributes is instructive here in that the tension-filled context of the gift exchange casts a certain ambivalence on their otherwise benevolent meanings.. The doll in figure one, for instance, holds a gourd on which is depicted a turtle bearing the words.. kin ōshō.. (金王将), or “gold general” (fig.. In the game of.. shōgi.. (将棋), gold generals are chessmen of high rank who “retain their rank throughout the game and are guarded by other pieces.. [106].. As for the more important question of what the doll gifts portended for Japan’s modernity, I suggest that they adumbrated what would quickly become a vibrant and multi-streamed inter-cultural commerce helmed by Japan’s dolls: a commerce that contributed vitally to the making of multiple imaginative and institutional modern worlds, both in Japan and abroad.. The dolls given to Commodore Perry, along with the other objects received from Japan during the Treaty signing, eventually came to constitute the founding collection of the Smithsonian ethnographic museum.. [107].. Thus the auspicious.. presaged the flow of protean doll iterations from Japan, highly enigmatic bodies that made frequent appearances in such venues as international exhibitions, department stores, art museums, ethnographic displays, and theater productions, each doll a rich and resonant material voice speaking to the ongoing transitionality of Japan’s modernity.. I am indebted to Professor Gennifer Weisenfeld for her support and incisive guidance on this project, as well as to Dr.. Kristina Troost for her library expertise.. I would like also to thank Yuji Tanaka at the Edo-Tokyo Museum for kindly sharing with me valuable information, as well as Dr.. Petra ten-Doesschate Chu, and the anonymous reader, whose critical feedback led to a greatly improved article.. See Chang-su Houchins,.. Artifacts of Diplomacy: Smithsonian Collections from Commodore Matthew Perry's Japan Expedition (1853–1854).. (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995).. Tokubei Yamada,.. Shinpen Nihon Ningyō-shi.. (Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1961), 233.. Ibid.. , 30.. Nelson Goodman,.. Ways of Worldmaking.. (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1978), 6.. These quotes refer to Goodman’s theory of “worldmaking”; as he writes: “Worldmaking as we know it always starts from worlds already on hand; the making is a remaking.. Stephen Greenblatt, “Resonance and Wonder,” in.. Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display.. Ivan.. Karp and Steven.. D.. Lavine (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991), 42.. Arjun Appadurai,.. Modernity at Large:.. Cultural Dimensions of Globalization.. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), 31.. Michel de Certeau speaks variously of the interweaving of objects and their shifting significations into our understanding of everyday life.. Michel De Certeau,.. The Practice of Everyday Life.. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), esp.. chap.. 7 “Walking in the City.. I refer to Appadurai’s theory of “the social life of things.. ” Arjun Appadurai,.. The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective.. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).. I am using the term supplement in the Derridean sense of a copy’s ambiguous relationship to the original.. See Jacques Derrida,.. Dissemination.. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).. See also Jacques Derrida,.. On Grammatology.. (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1998).. Michel Foucault,.. Ethics, Subjectivity and Truth.. (Paris: Gallimard, 1994), 87, 89.. Homi K.. Bhabha,.. Nation and Narration.. (London: Routledge, 1990), 1.. Stefan Tanaka refers to “the materiality of ideas” in relation to his interrogation of the temporal shifts that he sees to be fundamental to Japanese modernity, and how those shifts find manifest expression in various social and cultural forms.. Stefan Tanaka,.. New Times In Modern Japan.. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), ix.. It is worth noting the disparity in meaning and usage between dolls in Japan and in the West, since it can be observed that dolls were also prominent in the modernities of Europe and the Americas.. Western dolls, however, and especially in the modern period, belong to a specific class of objects as well as to a delimited social sphere.. Interestingly, just as the Japanese word for doll opens its meaning, the words for doll in European countries circumscribe its meaning.. For instance,.. poup.. é.. e.. in French and.. puppen.. in German, are diminutively inflected, registering semantically the social relegation of dolls to the domain of children.. Morever, European languages have numerous terms that distinguish clearly among various types of figurative objects.. These are classifications that, for the most part, also indicate the scale, as well as the contexts for, and manner of engaging with, the object.. Consider, for instance, such terms as sculpture, figurine, icon, mannequin, puppet, and anatomy model, none of which had parallel categories in Japan during the period under discussion.. For a general history of dolls see Max Von Boehn,.. Dolls and Puppets.. , trans.. Josephine Nicoll (London: George G.. Harrap and Company, 1932).. Yamada goes on to specify that Buddhist figures, while fitting the definition of doll he has offered, generally should not be regarded as dolls because of their purpose to represent a deity.. Yamada,.. Ningyō-shi.. 12–13.. Even this distinction between doll and, what in the West would be termed icon, is fluid.. As he writes, “there is hardly a contemporary Japanese household that does not have a doll case.. ,.. 12.. For examples within the larger context of contemporary Japanese household practices, see Inge Maria Daniels, “The ‘Untidy’ Japanese House,” in.. Home Possessions.. Daniel Miller (Oxford: Berg Publishing, 2001), 201–29.. See Sokyo Ono and William P.. Woodard,.. Shinto: The Kami Way.. (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 2004).. For a discussion of the complex role of objects in Japanese Buddhism, see Fabio Rambelli,.. Buddhist Materiality: A Cultural History of Objects in Japanese Buddhism.. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007).. Robert H.. Sharf, “On the Allure of Buddhist Relics,” in.. Embodying the Dharma: Buddhist Relic Veneration in Asia.. David Germano and Kevin Trainor (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004), 171.. For a discussion of the animate status of Japanese Buddhist icons more generally, see Robert H.. Sharf and Elizabeth Sharf, eds.. Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context.. (Stanford: Standford University Press, 2002).. As Rambelli explains, “Buddhism can thus be understood…as a complex way of interacting with “material” objects to achieve some “spiritual” goals.. ” Rambelli,.. Buddhist Materiality.. , 3.. Akira Y.. Yamamoto, Introduction to.. Japanese Ghosts and Demons: Art of the Supernatural.. Stephen Addiss (New York: George Braziller, 1985), 13.. See also Angelika Kretschmer, “Mortuary Rites for Inanimate Objects: The Case of Hari Kuyo,”.. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies.. 27, no.. 3/4 (2000): 379–404.. For example,.. tsukumogami.. , or “tool specters,” are animate household instruments that first appear in literature of the Heian period.. Such beliefs about.. are continued in the present-day practice of.. susuharai.. , the ritual house cleaning that occurs at each year-end.. If not properly discarded, the tools are thought to become polluted and capable of malice toward their users.. See Rambelli,.. , 211–58.. , 211.. , 221.. See ibid.. , 211–58 for a full discussion.. As he observes, “dolls since ancient times functioned as ritual implements and magical objects.. , 232.. Buddhist carved figures are referred to generally as.. butsuzō.. (仏像).. As noted, while Yamada, in his historical study of Japan’s dolls, makes a terminological distinction between icons (in Western terms) and dolls, he provides an example in which it is acceptable to refer to a religious image as a doll, this being during the viewing of the icon at the.. Hōryūji.. Temple.. See Yamada,.. See Andrew Gordon,.. A Modern History of Japan from Tokugawa Times to the Present.. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).. Willy F.. Vande Walle and Kazuhiko Kasaya,.. Dodoneusp in Japan: Translation and the Scientific Mind in the Tokugawa period.. (Leuven: Leuven University Press; Kyoto: International Research Center for Japanese Studies, 2001), 19.. Timon Screech,.. The Western Scientific Gaze and Popular Imagery in Later Edo Japan: The Lens Within the Heart.. (Cambridge University Press, 1996), 13.. Earl Ernst,.. The Kabuki Theater (.. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1974), 168–72.. In addition to the more generalized emulation of.. via internalization of its gestures,.. actors also expressed puppet-doll motion through special sequences known as.. ningyō-buri.. In this mode of.. performance, the actors exaggeratedly.. mimic the theatricality of.. ; that is, the actors explicitly behave as though they are limp and lifeless puppet-dolls that animate only by the human intervention of on-stage attendants.. , 120–60, for a discussion of the tremendous quantity and variety of dolls that developed in the Edo era.. Of his extant works, Jingorō is best known for his realistic carving of a sleeping cat on the Toshogu Shrine.. For a full discussion of the history and legends surrounding Hidari Jingorō, see Akasegawa Shun,.. Jingorō Ibun.. (Tokyo: Nippon Hoso Shuppankyokai, 2005).. Mark Schreiber, “Karakuri Ningyō: The Amazing Ancestors of Today’s Industrial Robots,”.. Japan Close-Up.. , November 2005, 16.. In regard to the early history of.. , see.. Benedito Ortolani,.. The Japanese Theater: From Shamanistic Ritual to Contemporary Pluralism.. (New York: E.. Brill, 1990).. Alan Scott Pate,.. Ningyō: The Art of the Japanese Doll.. (Japan: Tuttle Publishing.. 2005), 224.. , 59–66.. By the late fifteenth century,.. were also featured in large processions of elaborate floats made for religious festivals.. The annual festival known as.. Kamezaki Shiohi.. , which takes place near Nara, continues to this day.. Timothy N.. Hornyak,.. Loving the Machine: The Art and Science of Japanese Robots.. (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 2006), 13–19.. Screech,.. Western Scientific Gaze.. , 67.. , 91.. Yasuhiro Yokota, “A Historical Overview of Japanese Clocks and Karakuri,” in.. Proceedings of International Symposium on History of Machines and Mechanisms.. Hong-Sen Yan and Marco Ceccarelli (New York: Springer Publishing, 2008), 76.. , 81.. Pate,.. Ningyō.. , 224.. See also Yamada,.. 59–64.. , 81.. , 66.. Naoyuki Kinoshita,.. Bijutsu To Iu Misemono.. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 1999), 117–23.. See Timon Screech, “Birth of the Anatomical Body,” in.. Births and Rebirths in Japanese Art.. Nicole Coolidge Rousmaniere (Leiden: Hotei Publishing, 2001), 65, for the example of the “Hida Craftsman,” whose story was reinterpreted in terms of the new technology, making him a maker of mechanical devices whose works elicited delight because of their marvelous movements rather than their carved forms.. Shigehisa Kuriyama, “Between Mind and Eye: Japanese Anatomy in the Eighteenth Century,” in.. Paths To Asian Medical Knowledge.. Charles Leslie and Allan Young (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 21.. The copy of Kulmus’s work that Genpaku translated was itself a Dutch translation published by Gerard Dieten in 1773.. It should be noted that the.. was translated in Japan first into Chinese, as the language associated with scholarship.. As knowledge of the Chinese language among the general Japanese populace was limited, illustrations from the book likely circulated more quickly than text.. Kuriyama, “Between Mind and Eye,” 221.. See Subhuti Dharmananda, "Kampo Medicine: The Practice of Chinese Herbal Medicine in Japan," Institute for Traditional Medicine, accessed March 27, 2011,.. http://www.. itmonline.. org/arts/kampo.. htm.. See also Robert Rister,.. Japanese Herbal Medicine:.. The Healing Art of Kampo.. (Garden City Park, NY: Avery Publishing Group, 1999).. Shane R.. Rubbs, Marios Loukas, David Kato, Mohammad R.. Ardalan, Mohammadali M.. Shoja, and Aaron A.. Cohen Gadol, “The Evolution of the Study of Anatomy in Japan,”.. Clinical Anatomy.. 22, no.. 4 (May 2009): 426.. As Screech writes, “Kanpō spurned cutting open the body for whatever reason.. ” Screech, “Birth of the Anatomical Body,” 89.. See Yasui Hiromichi, “History of Japanese Acupuncture and Moxibustion,” in “Current Japanese Acupuncture Moxibustion,” special edition,.. The Journal of Kampo, Acupuncture, and Integrative Medicine.. 1 (February 2010): 2–9.. The phrase “legible body” is Norman Bryson’s, which he employs as a means to analyze the way(s) the represented body signified political values.. in French paintings of the.. ancien regime.. I use it here in an attempt to bring out the plurality of ways by which Japan’s anatomical dolls conveyed meaning(s).. See Norman Bryson, “The Legible Body: LeBrun,” in.. Word and Image: French Painting of the Ancien Regime.. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 29–57.. Susan Stewart,.. On Longing.. (Durham: Duke Univeristy Press, 1993), 128.. , 273.. Tsutomu Sugimoto, “The Inception of Translation Culture in Japan,”.. Meta: Journal des traducteurs / Meta: Translators’ Journal.. 33, no.. 1 (1988): 26.. Pate: 2005, 273–74.. Wolfgang Michel, “Border Crossing and Intellectual Curiosity – On the Modernization of Japanese Medicine during the Edo Period,”.. History of Cultural Contacts Europe – East Asia.. , accessed April 6, 2011,.. http://wolfgangmichel.. web.. fc2.. com/index.. html.. Screech, “Birth of the Anatomical Body,” 119.. Ibid, 100–102.. Hajime Soda,.. Zusetsu Nihon Iryo Bunkashi.. (Tokyo: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1989), 237.. For a description of this practice in its originating medieval context, see Stephen Turnbull, The Samurai Swordsman: Master of War (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 2008), 45.. Regis Olry, “Wax, Wooden, Ivory, Cardboard, Bronze, Fabric, Plaster, Rubber and Plastic Anatomical Models: Praiseworthy Precursors of Plastinated Specimens,”.. Journal of the.. International Society for Plastination.. , 15, no 1 (2000), 32.. Seiichi Tommori,.. Ikiningyoshi: Yasumoto Kamehachi.. (Tokyo: Akoma Shuppankai, 1976), 17.. See also Kinoshita,.. Bijutsu.. , esp.. 76–78.. Andrew L.. Markus, “The Carnival of Edo: Misemono Spectacles From Contemporary Accounts,”.. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies.. 45, no.. 2 (1985): 520.. Unlike in Europe, wax did not become the medium of choice in Japan for realistic modeling.. Markus notes that the type of wax traditionally produced in Japan for candles was not of sculptural quality.. However, Japanese did produce medical wax models, though again not on the scale as in Europe.. For a history of the medical use of wax in Japan, see Takashi Imaizumi and Youji Nagatoya, “Dermatologic Moulage in Japan,”.. International Journal of Dermatology.. , 34, no.. 11 (1995): 817–21.. Markus, “Carnival of Edo,” 499.. See also, in regard to Edo-era exhibition practices, P.. F.. Kornicki, “Public Display and Changing Values; Early Meiji Exhibitions and Their Precursors,”.. Monumenta Nipponica.. 49, no.. 2 (1994): 167–96.. See Markus, “Carnival of Edo,” 519–520.. , 519.. , 520–21.. , 146.. Markus, “Carnival of Edo,” 522.. The Fascinating World of the Japanese Doll.. (Japan: Tuttle Publishing, 2008), 146.. Markus, “Carnival of Edo,” 506.. See Kornicki, especially in relation to the political and economic motivations of kaichō.. , 522.. See Kinoshita,.. ,106–8.. Markus, “Carnival of Edo” 521.. The unusual number of pre-birth months comprising this exhibit is accounted for by the inclusion of insemination as a separate stage: rendered as a robustly anthropomorphized sperm-boy emerging jubilantly from the source.. See Stewart,.. 124, in regard to the notion of the miniature.. Matthew Welch, “Shoki the Demon Queller,” in.. Stephen Addiss (New York: George Braziller, 1985), 81.. Yu Kawazoe,.. Edo no Taishū Geinō: Kabuki, Misemono, Rakugo.. (Kyoto: Seigensha, 2008),72.. Kinoshita,.. , 74–77.. 66–69.. 241.. See Tommori,.. Ikiningy.. ōshi.. , 30–71, for a complete biographical account of Yasumoto Kamehachi’s role in the production of.. See Kinoshita,.. Bijutsu,.. 50–69.. Edo-Tokyo Hakubutsukan,.. Hakuran.. Toshi Edo Tōkyō.. (Tokyo: Edo Tokyo Rekishi Zaidan, 1993), 34.. See also Markus, “Carnival of Edo,” 522.. See Tessa Suzuki-Morris,.. Re-Inventing Japan; Time Space Nation.. (Armonk: M.. E.. Sharpe, 1998), 5.. Because I am characterizing the Tokugawa period as the formative, or early, phase of Japan’s modernity, Japan’s “high modernity” may be regarded as corresponding to post-Meiji Restoration.. , 4.. As she writes, “This sense of the nation as a spatially bounded natural entity is often closely connected with ideas of ethnicity.. Baudrillard’s comments on the nature of technology take on additional nuance when applied to Japan’s modernity.. As he remarks, rather than being a monolithic block of knowledge, technology itself is inherently fluid, and its manipulation a necessarily creative act.. He writes, “For technology, unlike language, does not constitute a stable system.. ” See Jean Baudrillard,.. The System of Objects.. (London and New York: Verso, 2005), 8.. Barbara Maria Stafford and Frances Terpak,.. Devices of Wonder.. (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2001), 53.. On this point I am especially indebted to the insightful comments of the anonymous reviewer for this article, who drew this issue to my attention.. See Houchins,.. Artifacts of Diplomacy.. , 8, for a full description.. Gosho.. dolls were made in a variety of sizes and poses, ranging from a few inches to over a foot.. , 232–40.. For examples of the.. gosho’s.. range of often delightfully arresting poses and expressive details, see Pate,.. 16–80.. Houchins,.. , 8.. The ambiguous signification of this material symbol of Imperial Japan presented as a gift in the context of the Kanagawa negotiations is reinforced by another, even more equivocal gift-message.. This one is not a doll, but a bronze bell given to the Commodore from the Ryukyuan Kingdom.. Among the inscriptions on the bell is what historian Chang-su Houchins describes as a “lengthy votive epitaph.. In translation it is said to read in part: May the sound of this bell shatter illusory dreams, perfect the souls of mankind, and enable the King and his subjects to live so virtuously that barbarians will find no occasion to invade the kingdom.. ” Houchins, Artifacts of Diplomacy, 8.. See Junichi Kobayashi,.. Umi O Watatta Ikiningyō; Peri Izen Igo no Nichibei Koryu.. (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1999); and Houchins,..

    Original link path: /index.php/spring13/hodge-enigmatic-bodies
    Open archive

  • Title: Moriuchi on Nineteenth-Century Mexican Costumbrismo
    Descriptive info: Mey-Yen Moriuchi is an instructor of art history at St.. Joseph’s University and Tyler School of Art.. She received her B.. A.. in History of Art and International Relations from the University of Pennsylvania and her M.. and Ph.. in History of Art from Bryn Mawr College.. This article is based on her dissertation, “Notions of Universality and Difference: Nineteenth-Century Mexican Costumbrismo,” which analyzes the costumbrista movement, its role in the construction of racial and social types, and its contribution to and contestation of notions of Mexican identity.. She is a recipient of the Whiting Fellowship in the Humanities and has presented her research on 18th to 20th-century Mexican painting at various institutions, including the National Gallery of Art and the Philadelphia Museum of Art.. Recent publications have appeared in the exhibition catalogue,.. The Female Gaze: Women Artists Making Their World.. (PAFA, 2012) and.. Shift: Graduate Journal of Visual and Material Culture.. (Oct 2012).. Email the author meymoriuchi[at]gmail.. com.. Mey-Yen Moriuchi.. Lithograph.. Los mexicanos pintados por sí mismos: tipos y costumbres nacionales, por varios autores.. (Mexico City: Manuel Porrúa, S.. 1974).. 1, Frontispiece,.. European albums of popular types, such as.. or.. , are familiar to most nineteenth-century art historians.. What is less well known is that in the 1850s Mexican writers and artists produced their own version of such albums,.. (1854–55), a compilation of essays and illustrations by multiple authors that presented various popular types thought to be representative of nineteenth-century Mexico (fig.. was clearly based on its European predecessors just as it was unequivocally tied to its.. origins.. , which manifested itself both in Spain and Latin America, was a movement in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century visual and literary arts that sought to capture the customs, costumes, and traditions of everyday people and everyday life.. In Mexico,.. costumbrista.. artists and writers were concerned with depicting and describing their daily surroundings and the diverse population that inhabited the country during the post-independence period.. Mexican.. literary texts and visual imagery functioned within a larger, global discourse of nationalism and national identity.. In this article, I shall argue that.. costumbrismo.. contributed to the construction and proliferation of racial and social popular types that were used by Mexico’s literary elite to position Mexico vis-à-vis other nations.. Costumbrista.. texts and images created a propagandistic, subjective language of representation that celebrated nineteenth-century Mexican culture and traditions.. To demonstrate this, I shall focus on.. , not only to establish its relationship to various European predecessors but also to demonstrate how its visual imagery and literary text functioned conjunctively in the formation of a new national subjectivity in post-independence Mexico.. Existing publications on.. art in Latin America are few; in English they are almost non-existent.. The genre is often touched upon in survey exhibitions and texts on nineteenth-century Latin American art,.. but the in-depth relationship between.. images and nationalistic discourse has not received sufficient scholarly attention.. To construct my argument, I posit that at the core of.. artistic production is a dialectic between norm and difference.. In the mid-nineteenth century, Mexican.. artists were constructing an image based on assumptions and stereotyping of what “all” Mexicans look like.. Yet this very grouping of similarities was dependent on differences from others and isolation of things that are not Mexican.. While typecasting constructs popular figures to fit a norm, the types, simultaneously, are organized into a classification based on difference.. This paradox, in which difference articulates uniqueness and particularity and yet also imparts principles of similitude and sameness, is embedded in.. works.. Costumbrista.. artists and writers attempted to formulate a national identity based on notions of similarity to, and difference from, European nations.. John Plamenatz theorizes two types of nationalism: a western type having emerged primarily in western Europe, and an eastern type found in eastern Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America.. In the western type, a nation may have felt at a disadvantage in comparison with others when measured by universal standards of progress, but there was no sentiment that the nation was not culturally equipped to reach and surpass those standards.. Eastern nationalism, on the other hand, occurred among nations that were drawn into a civilization that was foreign to them.. These nations measured their progress against standards that had been imposed by the alien culture.. According to Plamenatz, the nation had to be transformed culturally, but if it simply imitated the dominating foreign culture it would lose its distinguishable identity.. Thus, the search was for a revitalization of the national culture, adapted to the standards of progress, but preserving at the same time its distinctiveness.. In eastern nationalism, as defined by Plamenatz, formulating a national identity involved attaining an ambiguous middle ground between complete acceptance (imitation) and total rejection of the values imposed by the foreign culture.. Plamenatz states, “In fact, [there are] two rejections, both of them ambivalent: rejection of the alien intruder and dominator who is nevertheless to be imitated and surpassed by his own standards, and rejection of ancestral ways which are seen as obstacles to progress and yet also cherished as marks of identity.. The equivocal rejections that Plamenatz articulates are visible in nineteenth-century Mexican.. art and literature.. Although this article does not provide an exhaustive analysis of all the types presented in.. , the three that I discuss in detail, the.. aguador.. (water-carrier), the.. ranchero.. (rancher), and the.. china poblana.. demonstrate characters that were embraced for their uniqueness to Mexican culture, while undoubtedly associated with European types.. European Collections of Types.. Antecedents of nineteenth-century collections of types such as.. Heads of the People, Les Français peints par eux-mêmes.. Los mexicanos pintados por sí mismo.. , may be found in eighteenth-century costume books and in the common genre of “Cries,” collections of images of street vendors, with captions that reproduce their “cries” (“old chairs to mend!”).. Both had their origins in Europe and were widely circulated.. At the heart of the costume books and, to a lesser degree, the “Cries,” was the eighteenth-century understanding that clothing was an essential marker of difference.. Unlike today, it was not an expression of style or fashion, but a sign of gender, age, marital status, occupation and social rank, in addition to nationality.. Dress, to a large degree, was standardized and could be rationally classified.. This made it possible to identify a person by his or her clothes.. In a time of restricted social and geographic movement, these publications provided access to other social classes as well as other lands.. Le Chiffonnier (Ragpicker).. Engraving.. Les Français peints par eux-mêmes: Types et portraits humoristiques à la plume et au crayon.. (Paris: Philippart, 1858), 4: 24.. 2, Charles Joseph Traviès,.. In the nineteenth century, the interest in types acquired a national rather than an international focus, seen in the popular images and literature of the period, including songs, magazine articles, and books, that endlessly engaged with various local social types.. A series of short books called.. , popular in the 1840s, as well as.. , may serve as examples.. Even academic artists, such as Edouard Manet, portrayed gypsies, ragpickers, and musicians in his desire to reflect his own world and express his own age.. Several of these works resemble figures in the albums of types.. Manet’s.. Chiffonnier.. Ragpicker.. (1869, Norton Simon Foundation) for instance, shares numerous affinities with Charles Joseph Traviès’s portrayal of the same subject illustrated in.. Les Français peints par eux-mêmes.. England was the first to publish an album of types,.. , in 1841.. The principal objective of.. was to record the features and characters of its people and to preserve an image of the time.. As stated in its preface, “English faces, and records of English character, make up the present volume.. the aim of which is to preserve the impress of the present age; to record its virtues, its follies, its moral contradictions, and its crying wrongs.. Its goal was to offer, through sarcasm and humor, a moralizing message that would encourage its audience to be self-reflective.. The success of the volumes was immediate and its critics wanted to see an expansion of types, a broader representation of the national spirit.. The publication was soon translated into French with the new title,.. Les anglais peints par eux-mêmes.. The change in title demonstrates the desire on the part of the French to clarify who was being represented (and critiqued) by whom, and it became very much identified, in subsequent versions, with the nation itself and utilized as a proud promoter of national identity.. Many of these albums preceded the international expositions which began with the Crystal Palace exhibition in Hyde Park, London, 1851, in which nations competed for primacy and, in a similar way, became self-consciously reflective as they were trying to establish the way in which they were different from, and perhaps superior to, other nations.. The Spanish.. , published in 1843, includes a self-reflective introduction that acknowledges the challenge of selecting types representative of what constitutes Spanish people, culture, and customs.. It recognizes the inevitable influences of foreign cultures, particularly that of France, and the challenge of preserving the purity of one’s cultural identity.. The Peninsular War and the French invasion of Spain (1808–14) had occurred only three decades earlier.. Thus,.. Los españoles.. clearly articulates the nationalistic aims of its project and proudly claims and, in some cases, reclaims certain types as typically Spanish.. Ironically, the Spanish writers who contributed to.. imitate the French collection of types in their quest for Spanish nationalism.. For example, the anonymous author of the introduction states:.. Here as if cast into a mold we experience a sense of regret over our old traditions, so mixed up, so unknown today, due not only to the revolutions and the political upheavals, like some would say, but also to the foreign spirit that for years has been dominant.. This causes us to abandon our clothes and our purely Spanish character for the character and clothes of other nations, to whom we pay the most burdensome tribute; that of primitive nationality.. La Maja.. , Engraving.. Los españoles pintados por si mismos.. (Madrid: I.. Boix Editor, 1843–44), 2: 58.. 3, J.. Vallejo,.. El Torero (Bullfighter).. Boix Editor, 1843–44), 1: 2.. 4, Lameyer,.. Characters such as.. la Maja.. el Torero.. (bullfighter) (fig.. 4) that had been exploited by European romanticism were recaptured and recast as emblematic Spanish types.. The authors discuss identity in terms of an identity now lost.. For example, after describing nostalgically the dress of the.. majas.. and their simple, working-class origins, the writer of the text, Santa Ana, directly blames the French invasion of 1808 for the negative transformation of these impoverished.. into the opulent, unscrupulous creatures of the nineteenth century.. By sharing the tragic story of the.. maja.. , the author historicizes and romanticizes the fictive.. of the past.. in Latin America.. The collection of types produced in Mexico was linked to the.. movement, which was in fact not limited to Mexico, but rather was prevalent throughout Spain and Latin America.. It is an umbrella term that includes literature as well as the visual arts.. The essays by.. writers were often referred to as.. cuadros de costumbres.. (pictures of customs) or.. bosquejos.. (sketches), terms that imply there is a visual component to this type of writing.. By describing in words what one sees, the author compels the readers to imagine or visualize a picture in their mind.. In that sense, the visual component is inseparable from the text.. In fact,.. were often accompanied by an illustration that served to complement the written description, though often the writing style was so descriptive and elaborate that an image was not necessary.. In Mexico, lithography became the medium of choice for the illustrations that accompanied.. These essays were published in periodicals during the 1840s, and eventually in collections of types and novels.. During the 1850s, artists also produced paintings in the.. tradition, and found a market for their work through the biennial exhibitions held at the Academy of San Carlos.. literary texts, lithographs, and paintings are not individual strings of ideas and stereotypes, but a mosaic of impressions that constantly intersect, informing and clarifying one another—a never-ending cycle of intertextuality.. El Ranchero (Rancher).. 1974), 192.. 5, Hesiquio Iriarte,.. La Costurera (Seamstress).. 1974), 50.. 6, Hesiquio Iriarte,.. Los mexicanos pintados por sí mismos.. shares many similarities with its European predecessors, particularly the Spanish edition that most closely resembles its format.. However, there are also many interesting differences, such as the unique types that were selected and the accompanying narratives full of colloquial expressions (figs.. 5, 6).. What sets the Mexican album apart is that in its selection of popular types, which included those that could be found in Europe as well as those unique to Mexico, it stressed both similarity to, and difference from, the European collections.. The ultimate objective, as we shall see, was to put forth types that demonstrate Mexico’s distinctiveness while not deviating too far from the European norm.. Los mexicanos.. was published in serial form beginning in 1853 and eventually in its entirety as a book in 1854–55.. It featured thirty-three types.. In the frontispiece of the album, a preview of the types of Mexicans included in the book can be seen in the various groupings of archetypal figures (fig.. The participating authors included Hilarión Frías y Soto, Niceto de Zamacois, Juan de Dios Arias, José María Rivera, Pantaleón Tovar, and Ignacio Ramírez, though at the time of publication these authors signed their works using pseudonyms.. Lithographs were produced by Hesiquio Iriarte and Juan Campillo.. Each narrative is accompanied by one full-size illustration of the figure, often in an undefined setting, but almost always carrying the tools or attributes of his or her trade.. Certain types, such as the.. , were uniquely tied to Mexican culture, but the selected types were not restricted to just people or occupations found in Mexico.. For example, also included were universal types, such as the seamstress, the lawyer, and the poet, that also appeared in European collections (fig.. Presenting a balance between popular types unique to Mexico and popular types that were characteristic of many nations validated Mexico as an independent nation and a participant on the global stage..  ...   beautiful daughter of Mexico.. who at this moment is my only inspiration.. By pointing out the similarities with the.. grisette.. , Rivera demonstrates the.. ’s clear associations with European types, while emphasizing the.. ’s unique personality traits and costume as Mexican through and through.. The.. china.. or.. , the consummate female character that was typified, idealized, and romanticized in Mexico was a popular subject among.. artists and writers alike.. derives from the Quechua word for servant, while poblana refers to a woman from the.. pueblo.. , or village.. in the nineteenth century was generally meant to connote a mestiza who was from the provinces and wore a traditional, colorful costume.. Images typically emphasize her distinguishing features: black hair, small waist, dainty feet, seductive curves, full skirt, and.. rebozo.. , or shawl (figs.. , the heroine’s name is Mariquita.. She is depicted in the essay and the accompanying illustration as a mestiza, with dark hair and eyes.. While holding her left hand suggestively against her hip, her right hand holds a cigarette.. She is portrayed in a kitchen interior, identifiable by the pots and pans adorning the walls.. She is a complex character, beautiful and flirtatious, but also proud and independent.. Inserting himself into the narrative, Rivera recalls an interview with his heroine in her home.. He discovers that Mariquita is twenty-three years old, single, has no family, and lives alone.. The author admires her charms, her jet black eyes, her curvaceous figure, and her tiny, exquisite feet.. He notices and approves of the simplicity and cleanliness of her home.. After the interview in Mariquita’s home, the author takes us to a party, where villagers are dancing the fandango.. There the.. enchants many suitors with provocative moves, enticing them by flirting with her eyes and body.. The dance ends with a fight between two of her suitors.. In defense of her love interest, she inserts herself into the melee and ardently struggles to break the men apart, revealing her hot temper and combative and feisty personality.. In her move from the private domesticity of the home to the public realm of the dance, the.. displays both innocence and worldliness.. In the end, the author pays tribute to the.. not just for her feminine beauty and charm, but also for her fiery, courageous, and independent spirit.. presents thirty-three types as representative of Mexican society.. By including autochthonous local figures like.. el aguador, el ranchero.. , and.. la china, Los mexicanos.. embraces the lower mixed-race classes and makes assertions of originality and authenticity.. By incorporating universal types such as the lawyer, the minister, and the poet,.. makes claims of solidarity with other nations, asserting that Mexico is also comprised of many of the popular types that can be found elsewhere.. According to Benedict Anderson, it was through “print-capitalism” that nations were imagined into existence.. Print-capitalism, the growth and marketing of indigenous newspapers and publications, was key to the growth of nationalism.. The expansion of the book market contributed to the vernacularization of languages, which enabled speakers of the same language to become aware of one another via print and paper.. Print-capitalism enabled larger groups of people to think about themselves, about who they were, and in particular, their relation to others, both geographically and culturally.. literature and art were forms of Anderson’s print-capitalism as they created unified fields of exchange and communication.. In their representations of their surroundings and their people,.. artists were making decisions on what was meaningful to Mexican identity and the nation as a whole, and it was through.. periodicals and novels that ideas and images of what constituted being a Mexican were conceived and dispersed.. was not an isolated phenomenon.. Many countries in the nineteenth century were preoccupied with establishing a national identity, and the artistic and literary creation of popular types contributed to this nationalistic discourse.. Through the compilations of types, such as.. Les Français.. , artists and writers attempted to situate and position themselves vis-à-vis others.. As Mexican artists produced their own literary and visual compilation of popular national types, they were clearly influenced by European precedents.. By acknowledging a connection with European models, Mexican artists registered their understanding that European cultures were similarly invested in claiming distinct types as part of their own national identities.. The selection of popular types in.. not only reflected local trends and visual traditions, but also played a part in national identity formation and constructed a view of how Mexico’s literary elite wished to present their newly formed nation.. The Mexican album reveals a simultaneous desire to assert originality and authenticity, as well as normality and equality in comparison to Europeans.. It was through.. albums like.. that racial and social popular types were conceived and disseminated, and notions of modern Mexican identity were formulated.. All translations are by the author unless otherwise noted.. Tipos y costumbres nacionales, por varios autores.. (Mexico City: M.. Murguía, 1854–55).. Mexico received independence from Spain in 1821.. This research is part of a larger project that examines various forms of.. art and their relationship to the formation of a new national subjectivity in nineteenth-century Mexico.. For example, see Angélica Velázquez Guadarrama, “Clase y género en la pintura.. ,” in.. Hacia Otra Historia del Arte en México.. Esther Acevedo (Mexico: Conaculta, 2001–2), 2:137–58; Gustavo Curiel, Fausto Ramírez, Antonio Rubial García, and Angélica Velázquez Guadarrama,.. Pintura y Vida Cotidiana en México, 1650–1950.. (Mexico City: Fomento Cultural Banamex, 1999); Fausto Ramirez, “The Nineteenth Century,” in The Metropolitan Museum of Art,.. Mexico: Splendors of Thirty Centuries.. , exh.. cat.. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1990); Dawn Ades,.. Art in Latin America: The Modern Era, 1820–1980.. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1989); and Fausto Ramírez,.. La Plástica del Siglo de la Independencia.. (Mexico: Fondo Editorial de la Plastica Mexicana, 1985).. For this essay, I am indebted to scholarship by María Esther Pérez Salas.. See Pérez Salas,.. Costumbrismo y Litografía en México: Un Nuevo Modo de Ver.. (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.. Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 2005).. In theories of difference, difference is explained in relation to its opposite: sameness.. When the word sameness is substituted by the word “identity” it becomes more complicated as identity and sameness can be both synonyms and antonyms of difference.. As Mark Currie points out, “the dictionary defines identity as both ‘absolute sameness’ and ‘individuality’ or ‘personality.. ’” The slippage derives from an ambiguity about the points of comparison and antithesis that are in operation.. “Identity” can indicate the property of absolute sameness between separate entities, but it can also mean the unique characteristics determining the personality and difference of a single entity.. The identity of people and nations is formulated by the logic of both sameness and difference.. Mark Currie,.. Difference.. (London and New York: Routledge, 2004), 3.. Ibid, 4–5, 13.. John Plamenatz, “Two Types of Nationalism” in.. Nationalism: The Nature and Evolution of an Idea.. Eugene Kamenka (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1973), 22–36.. , 34.. was generally a.. mestiza.. , a woman of mixed Indian and Spanish parentage, who wore a traditional, colorful costume and came from the.. Etudes prises dans le bas du Peuple, ou les Cris de Paris.. (Paris: Etienne Fessard,.. 1737);.. Cries of London.. (London: Colnaghi and Co.. , 1795); and.. Los gritos de Madrid.. (Madrid: n.. , 1798).. Cesare Vecellio,.. The Clothing of the Renaissance World: Europe, Asia, Africa, the Americas; Cesare Vecellio’s Habiti Antichi et Moderni.. (London: Thames and Hudson, 2008), 16–19.. Ulrike Ilg, “The Cultural Significance of Costume Books in Sixteenth-Century Europe,” in.. Clothing Culture, 1350–1650.. Catherine Richardson (Hampshire, UK: Ashgate, 2004), 42.. Les français peints par eux-memes: Encyclopédie morale du dix-neuvieme siècle.. (Paris: L.. Curmer, 1841–42).. Heads of the People; or Portraits of the English.. , Drawn by Kenny Meadows (London: Robert Tyas, 1840–41).. , preface.. Westminster Review 33, October 1840, 163, quoted in Margarita Ucelay Da Cal,.. (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1951), 72–73.. Boix, 1843–44), 1:vii.. “Y aqui encajaba como de molde una sentida lamentacion acerca de nuestras viejas costumbres, tan trocadas, tan desconocidas hoy, merced no solo á las revoluciones y trastornos políticos, como algunos imaginan, sino tambien [.. sic.. ] al espíritu de estrangerismo.. que hace años nos avasalla, y que nos hace abandonar desde el vestido hasta el carácter puro español, por el carácter y vestido de otras naciones, á las cuales pagamos el tributo mas oneroso; el de la primitiva nacionalidad.. Term for woman or man (“majo”) from the lower classes who distinguished themselves by their elaborate sense of style and dress, which was an exaggeration of traditional Spanish dress.. This style was in marked contrast to French fashions.. In the present day, maja/majo is synonymous with nice or good looking.. , 2:59.. However, in Latin America, Cuba was the only other country to produce its own collection of types.. See.. Los cubanos pintados por sí mismos, Colección de tipos cubanos.. (Havana: Barcina, 1852).. These volumes were generally first distributed in serial form and then subsequently published in book format.. This was made possible by the Italian artist Claudio Linati, who had brought the first lithographic printing presses to Mexico in 1825.. See Justino Fernández, introduction to.. Trajes Civiles, Militares y Religiosos de Mexico.. , by Claudio Linati (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonóma de México, 1956).. For example, the.. writer, Tomás de Cuéllar, satirized various quintessential Mexican types during the long presidency of Porfirio Díaz in his novel.. The Magic Lantern.. Tomás de Cuéllar,.. La linterna mágica.. (Barcelona: Tipolitografía de Espasa y Compañía, 1889.. Mexico’s academy was founded in 1785 and was modeled after the academies of Madrid, Paris, and Rome.. Roland Barthes,.. Image-Music-Text.. (London: Fontana Press, 1977), 146; and Julia Kristeva, “Word, Dialogue and Novel” in.. Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art.. Leon S.. Roudiez (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980), 64–91.. The authors were later identified and published in subsequent versions of.. Tipos y costumbres nacionales, por varios autores.. 1949).. See Aguirre Beltrán,.. La población negra de México: Estudio etnohistórico.. (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1972), 220–34.. Casta.. paintings presented racially mixed families on a series of canvases.. Often depicted were a father and mother of different races (Spanish, Indian, or Black, or some combination thereof) and one or two of their mixed race offspring.. Accompanying the visual portrait was text clarifying the subjects’.. , that is their “lineage,” “breed,” or “race.. Twelve to sixteen panels often comprised a.. series with the most pure, meaning the “whitest” races occupying the top category that initiated the series.. See Ilona Katzew,.. Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico.. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2004); Magali Carrera,.. Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings.. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003); and María Concepción García Sáiz,.. Las castas mexicanas; Un género pictórico americano.. (Madrid: Olivetti, 1989).. See Claudio Lomnitz-Adler,.. Exits from the Labyrinth: Culture and Ideology in the Mexican National Space.. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 276–77.. See Brantz Mayer,.. Mexico as It Was and as It Is.. (New York: J.. Winchester New World Press, 1844), 43; Claudio Linati,.. Trajes Civiles, Militares y Religiosos de México (1828).. (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1956), plate no.. 7; and Luis Ortíz Macedo,.. Edouard Pingret: Un pintor romántico francés que retrató el México del mediar del siglo XIX.. (Mexico City: Fomento Cultural Banamex, 1989), 85.. , 139–43.. , 1–6.. “Ven acá Trinidad.. Siéntate en esa silla y cuéntame la vida que llevas.. ” Hilarión Frías y Soto, “El Aguador,” in.. Los.. mexicanos.. , 2.. “Además, amito, que eso de decir mi vida, no sé.. pa.. qué le pueda servir á su mercé.. “Calcula, hijo, que hoy los mexicanos hemos dado en pintarnos á nosotros mismos: ¿comprendes?” Ibid.. Humboldt traveled in the Americas from 1799 to 1804 and lived in Mexico the final year of his excursion from 1803–4.. These learned, lettered men were associated with the institutions of state and nation building in Latin America.. See Angel Rama,.. La Ciudad Letrada.. (Hanover, NY: Ediciones del Norte, 1984).. “Tomé mi sombrero y salí con Trinidad, muy contento de ser apologista y el apoderado del.. México, 27 de Setiembre de 1854.. ” Hilarión Frías y Soto,.. El Aguador” in.. , 6.. The racial makeup of.. rancheros.. is discussed in the.. article: José María Rivera, “Los Rancheros,”.. El museo mexicano.. (Mexico City: Ignacio Cumplido, 1843–44), 3:551.. A colloquial derivation of the name Manuel, manola referred to the popular classes in Madrid similar to the maja.. Manolo can also be synonymous with handsome or pretty.. In nineteenth-century France, a young working-class woman of loose morals.. “!Fuera¡ !Fuera la gente de alto rango¡ !Fuera las majas y manolas de España y las grisetas de Francia¡.. !Fuera repito¡ Porque ahora sale mi china; esa hija de México tan linda como su cielo azul; tan fresca como sus jardines floridos, y tan risueña y alegre como las mañanas deliciosas de esta tierra bendita de Dios y de sus santos.. ” José María Rivera, “La China,” in.. , 90.. “Para mí que no soy ni erudito ni literato, la.. es la legítima y hermosa hija de México.. que en este instante es mi única inspiración, mi solo númen.. See Nicolás León,.. Catarina de San Juan y la China Poblana.. (Puebla: Altiplano, 1971), 65–67; Rafael Carrasco Puente,.. Bibliografía de Catarina de San Juan y la China Poblana.. (Mexico City: Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores, 1950); and Jeanne L.. Gillespie, “Gender, Ethnicity and Piety: The Case of the.. Imagination Beyond Nation: Latin American Popular Culture.. Eva P.. Bueno and Terry Caesar (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998), 19–40.. Smoking was a common pastime of women of both the upper and lower classes.. For example, see Brantz Mayer’s written account in.. México, lo que fue y lo que e.. s (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1953), 76; and Nicolás León,.. (Puebla: Altiplano, 1973), 83.. A lively Spanish dance in triple time that is usually performed by a man and woman to the accompaniment of guitar and castanets.. Benedict Anderson,.. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism.. (London and New York: Verso, 2006.. , 36..

    Original link path: /index.php/spring13/moriuchi-nineteenth-century-mexican-costumbrismo
    Open archive

  • Title: Weingarden on Imaging and Imagining the French Peasant
    Descriptive info: Lauren S.. Weingarden is Professor of Art History at Florida State University in Tallahassee, Florida.. She is the author of several books on the late nineteenth-century American architect Louis H.. Sullivan.. Professor Weingarden also has authored numerous articles on nineteenth-century French modernity, as defined by Charles Baudelaire, represented by Edouard Manet in his paintings of Parisian urban social types and settings, and critiqued by Walter Benjamin in his writings on Baudelaire.. Email the author lweingarden[at]fsu.. Curmer, 1840–42), 1:title page.. 1,.. , 1:n.. 2, Gavarni, Frontispiece,.. Les Français peints par eux-mêmes: Encyclopédie morale du dix-neuvième siècle.. (figs.. 1, 2).. has generally escaped the attention of art historians.. The Realist painter Gustave Courbet, however, made extensive references to both the techniques of representation and the represented types presented in these texts.. In this article I show that Courbet engaged in a socio-cultural discourse articulated in the.. which, in turn, aligns him with the Realist writer, Honoré de Balzac.. In Balzac's.. Human Comedy.. , characters are described with physical attributes and within locations through which author and reader identified the characters' social status.. This method of description and interpretation replicates the verbal-visual hermeneutics of the.. and their imaginary functions.. In particular, Courbet used the.. to both sustain and subvert the rural type as the imaginary other of the Parisian hegemony.. This study extends the iconographic scholarship which, beginning with Meyer Schapiro and Linda Nochlin, has established Courbet's use of popular imagery in the mode of crude ( naïve ) woodcuts.. These writers point to specific images and subject matter (folklore and its revival) through which Courbet articulated his political and cultural alliances.. Here, I go beyond iconographic analysis to demonstrate Courbet's participation in the word-and-image dynamic that characterizes.. publications.. In this article I use this multi-volume publication as both an exemplar of the genre of.. and the substance of Courbet's engagement with the genre.. The widespread appeal of the.. , in general—particularly for an urban population—can be attributed to their convenient format as illustrated handbooks of contemporary social types.. Furthermore, the enduring legacy of.. resides in the Realist novels and paintings they spawned.. By considering Courbet's imagery within the realm of the.. , I seek to widen the spectrum of visual culture to which his imagery belongs and chart its intersection with the Realist novel, a literary genre that exceeds the populist limitations of naïve folklore and traditions.. I thus argue that Courbet intercepted a field of reception in which his bourgeois viewers and erudite friends were already skilled de-coders.. To situate Courbet within the discursive space of the.. , I begin with a brief snapshot of his own reception of the genre, arriving as a provincial student in Paris.. A more in-depth structural analysis follows, explicating how the visual images and verbal rhetoric of the.. are inflected in his work of 1849–55, the period in which he most aggressively promoted his Realist agenda.. I then position Courbet within a more complex matrix of the social imaginary engendered by Balzac's physiological mode of writing.. I argue that this conflation of the.. and Balzac's provincial novels provided Courbet with a ready-made sign-system for articulating his provincial position contra the Parisian artistic center.. In conclusion, I show that the critical reception of Courbet's work in the guise of the provincial other marks the endurance of the.. in the collective imagination, despite the end date of their original publication.. Self-Portrait with Black Dog.. , 1841.. Musée du Petit-Palais, Paris.. Photo: http://www.. the-athenaeum.. org/'});">.. 3, Gustave Courbet,.. Photo:.. org/.. Firemen Running to a Fire.. , 1850–51.. Petit Palais, Paris.. petitpalais.. paris.. fr/'});">.. 4, Gustave Courbet,.. fr/.. Historical Intersections I:.. and Courbet in the 1840s.. Briefly considered, Courbet's early artistic biography parallels the publishing history and popularity of.. represents the heyday and codification of.. during the early 1840s.. The series begins in 1839, when as many as 422 illustrated essays, each treating a single social type, were issued as pamphlets; these were then collected and published in eight volumes between 1840 and 1842.. ' peak years exactly coincide with Courbet's ten-year residence in Paris as an art student.. Arriving in 1839.. from the Franche-Comté town of Ornans, the young provincial, like others of his type,.. would have used.. Les Français.. to decode the Parisian population and navigate its social spheres.. Indeed, the first five volumes were devoted to the urban center.. Courbet also used the.. to signal his own status among the capital's ubiquitous student population.. (1842–44; fig.. 3), the young man sports the attire and accessories (aside from his book) identified with the bohemian student culture in which the former provincial took pride: full hair, floppy hat, flaring jacket, windowpane-patterned and light-colored trousers, long-stemmed pipe, and possibly sprouting a moustache and goatee.. As Aimée Boutin has shown, similar attributes, which combined a rejection of bourgeois black attire and a taste for tailor-made apparel, were codified by Paul Gavarni's illustration of.. L'Etudiant en droit.. in.. Les Français peints par eux-même.. (vol.. Ironically, Courbet may have also commented on his own stereotypical provincial-turned-student circumstances ‒ having arrived in Paris as a law student, the novice changes his course of study to pursue a less erudite occupation.. At the same time, Courbet recognized the hybridity of his status: at once bohemian-student, rural-bourgeois, and stylish urbanite.. That Courbet had acquired the Parisian.. physiologiste.. 's gaze in the 1840s is suggested by his unfinished painting.. (1850-51; fig.. As we shall see, the starkly figured array of Parisian types, silhouetted against the urban skyline, evokes a mode of perception and cataloguing typical of the.. Accordingly, T.. Clark has asserted that [Courbet's] intention is transparent: to give us some kind of comprehensive view of Paris, a repertoire of class and types.. Clark's description of these types itself echoes the rhetoric of the.. , in which he identifies the attire associated with the type:.. On one side the woman of the people in a russet, sleeveless dress and with a child at her bosom; on the other side, a bourgeois lady on the arm of her husband, swathed in a great grey shawl, her acidulous profile emerging from a grey bonnet embroidered with red flowers.. In the middle of the action, the officer is put next to the workman in peaked cap and blue-grey smock; between them there is the impassive, abstracted face of the dandy in a silk hat.. And finally the faces of the younger, beardless firemen; already in their half-finished state, sullen and funereal, eyes veiled or averted, the urban counterparts of the.. Stonebreakers.. Notwithstanding Courbet's physiologist gaze on Parisian types,.. Les Français peints par eux-même: Encyclopédie morale du dix-neuvième siècle.. Province.. (hereafter.. Les Français: Province.. ), comprising the last three volumes of the eight-volume series, would prove more important for his artistic purposes than the Paris guides.. In particular, the second volume of the provincial guides would fortify his efforts to de-center Paris as the nexus of French culture and aesthetic standards.. The Artist s Studio: A Real Allegory Summing Up Seven Years of My Artistic and Moral Life.. , 1854-55.. Musée d'});">.. 5,.. Musée d'Orsay, Paris.. The Physiologist-Artist as Historian.. The Artist's Studio: A Real Allegory Summing up Seven Years of My Artistic and Moral Life.. (1854-55; fig.. 5), provides a starting point for examining Courbet's active participation in the word-and-image discourse on.. As the title suggests,.. The Studio.. represents Courbet's achievement of his artistic agenda set forth in a letter of 1853: I alone, of all French artists of my time, had the ability to express and to translate in an original way both my personality and my society.. The painting is also the visual analogue of Courbet's Realist manifesto published for his 1855 one-man exhibition at the Pavilion of Realism where the.. Studio.. was exhibited.. As he proclaimed in the manifesto, my goal is to translate the customs, the ideas, the appearance of my time, according to my own estimation; [that is,] to create living art.. Courbet's self-assigned task as documentarian, to collect, identify, and classify the social types and mores of his time, echoes the founding premise of.. As stated in the introduction,.. fostered a new historicism, aiming to provide a history of contemporary France: to show ourselves, from head to feet;.. nothing will be missing from this complete work, whose object is the study of contemporary manners.. Ultimately,.. sets out to document the quotidian as a living record for future generations: We who live today, will one day be posterity.. We believe that a day will come when our children will want to know who we were and what we did in those times; how we were dressed,.. what were our homes,.. our habits, our pleasures.. The volumes' conclusion underlines the encyclopedic scope of the enterprise: All the classes of society have been explored,.. all has been probed.. Courbet's description of.. echoed the historiographic purpose of.. , he claimed, is the moral and physical history of my atelier.. It is society at its highest, lowest, and its average; in a word, it is how I see society with its concerns and its passions.. It is the world come to be painted.. Likewise, when Courbet described how he divided the painting into two parts, representing distinctive social classes, he echoed the encyclopedic practices of the.. Having gathered thirty-five individuals, he placed To the right [my] friends, fellow workers and amateurs from the art world.. To the left is the other world of trivial life, the people, misery, poverty, wealth, the exploited, the exploiters.. While Courbet identified by name his friends and supporters on the right, he identified the various urban and rural types on the left in a way that mirrors the random collection of types in the.. : A Jew I saw in.. the London streets,.. carrying a money-box; behind him is a priest,.. in front of them a poor withered old man, a republican veteran of '93; next come a hunter, a reaper, a strong-man, a buffoon, a textile peddler, a workman's wife, a worker, an undertaker,.. an Irishwoman suckling a child.. Courbet also articulated the contrasting social groups in the painting's composition.. Visually, the group on the right is harmonized by bourgeois attire and a serpentine line that spatially connects the figures from back to front.. This pictorial harmony signifies the alliance of these individuals with Courbet's own philosophy regarding the social role of art and artists.. Conversely, the figures represented on the left are fragments of a society still disharmonious because they have realized neither the transcendent value of work, nor the liberating role that art, freed from academies, plays in the moral progress of society.. Thus, with.. of 1854-55, Courbet benchmarked his artistic coming of age—which, as the painting's subtitle suggests, began seven years earlier—to coincide with the 1848 Revolution.. However, it was upon his return to Ornans in 1849 that the painter first realized his artistic maturity.. From this provincial hinterland, Courbet defined his Realist agenda by portraying individual types associated with the Franche-Comté town.. 6, Gavarni, L Epicier (Grocer),.. 7, Gavarni, Le Chasseur (Hunter),.. The Meeting (Bonjour Monsieur Courbet).. , 1854.. Musée Fabre, Montpellier.. 8, Gustave Courbet,.. Les Français peints par eux-mêmes; encyclopédie morale du dix-neuvième siécle.. Province.. Curmer, 1840–42), 2:n.. 9, Dauzain, Le Forésien (Inhabitant of Feurs),.. 10, Gavarni, L Employé (Employee),.. 11, H.. Monnier, L Ami des Artistes (Artist s Friend),.. Les Français-Province.. , 2:n.. 12, Loubon, Le Languedocien/Berger des Garrigues (Inhabitant of Langueduc/Shepherd from Garrigues),.. Physiologie du flaneur.. (Paris: Aubert et cie, 1841), 52.. 13, [Unattributed], Le flâneur prolétaire (Proletarian flâneur), Louis Huart,.. Physiologies and Fragmentation.. As we shall see, visual/formal fragmentation of social types, stuck together on the canvas surface, dominate Courbet's Salon paintings of 1850–51.. In these works, fragmentation bears a formal affinity with the format of.. While the visual elements of the.. volumes follow a standardized format for each chapter ‒ header illustration, the decorative first letter, and the.. cul-de-lampe.. (the decorative design at chapter's end).. , full-length figure-types (figs.. 6, 7) are injected into the text at apparently random intervals.. Sometimes they appear at the beginning of the chapter and sometimes in the middle, fragmenting the narrative.. Because of their scale and the detailed rendering of attire and physical bearing, these figures appear as self-contained icons.. The full-length figures are also spatially incongruent: sometimes they stand in a void; elsewhere they boldly project from, or are out of scale with, the minimized settings against which they are silhouetted.. Designed by different illustrators, the iconic figure-types appear as disjoined vignettes, just as the variously authored chapters function as independent verbal snapshots within the various volumes.. This vignette format is what structures Courbet's.. The Meeting.. Bonjour, Monsieur Courbet.. (1854; fig.. Showing an encounter between the artist, his patron Alfred Bruyas, and Bruyas's servant Calas, on a road outside Montpellier, these figures are monumentalized in relation to the terrain in the distance.. Like the rural figure-types in.. , they appear to be stuck on the landscape scene, rather than spatially integrated with it.. Even more striking is the way Courbet appropriates the premise that clothes make/define the man from.. and adapts it to his social vision.. Bruyas and Calas, residents of Montpellier, are identifiable as provincial townsmen by their attire, as seen in.. Le Forésien.. 9),.. Dressed in brown and green coats, and holding soft-fabric hats,.. these men's regional identities are distinct from the Parisian bourgeoisie, such as.. L'Employe.. 10) in.. 1), who are typically dressed in black coat and top hat.. Courbet also borrowed specific physiologies from.. , but with ironic intent.. First, Courbet dressed the servant as.. L'Ami des artistes.. 11) from (the urban).. 1), perhaps in reference to his own friend, Francis Wey.. who authored the essay.. However, Courbet transformed Calas's figure from the buffoonish urban-type shown in.. into a respectable townsman and thereby transformed the servant-laborer into an admiring friend of the artist-laborer.. According to his social philosophy, Courbet identified with the laborer, seeking a common ground in aestheticized work.. Courbet, in turn, signified his own artist-laborer identity by depicting himself in the pose and attire of two laborer types: a peasant worker as seen in the.. Berger des Garrigues, Le Languedocien.. 12) illustrated in.. 2) and of the proletarian-flâneur (fig.. 13) in Louis Huart's.. Physiologie du flâneur.. (1841).. With these personas, Courbet had positioned himself as a rural painter-worker, performing a subversive role within the binary nexus of Paris/province:.. working from the provinces, he sought to de-center Paris as the site of aesthetic standards and cultural modeling.. Physiologies and the Balzacian Perspective.. Both the historicist ethos and the figurative fragment are what join Courbet's work with the complex exchange between the.. and Balzac's.. The Human Comedy.. As a contributor to.. and a self-described.. Balzac was central to the refraction of the.. into Courbet's Realism.. Balzac's physiological writings saturated the market and minds of France's reading public during the 1840s and for decades after his death in 1850.. Most likely, Courbet would count among Balzac's readers, while his Franche-Comtois and Parisian friends counted among the novelists who adopted Balzac's physiological writing style.. Yet Balzac was not just a participant in the discourse on.. , he encoded its sign-system.. In addition to writing five essays for.. he independently authored and published single volume.. , dating from 1829–48.. Most important for tracking this discourse in literature, Balzac wrote.. during these same nineteen years.. In Balzac's megalithic work, comprising 100 linked novels, the physiological methodology runs wide and deep.. As he explained in the 1842 preface,.. was conceived to form a complete history of which each chapter was a novel, and each novel the picture of a period.. French society would be the real author; I should only be the secretary.. Ostensibly the objective observer, Balzac used the.. physiologies.. to identify and categorize, in his novels, disparate human appearances into recognizable social types.. Invoking the encyclopedic indices of.. in his preface,.. the author articulates the chaos to which he brings order: The differences between a soldier, an artisan, a man of business, a lawyer, an idler, a student, a statesman, a merchant, a sailor, a poet, a beggar, a priest, are as great, though not so easy to define, as those between the wolf, the lion, the ass, the crow, the shark, the seal, the sheep, etc.. also facilitated Balzac's cataloguing of social types into a collection of social manners: By drawing up an.. inventory.. of vices and virtues, by collecting the chief facts of the passions, by depicting characters, by choosing the principal incidents of social life,.. by composing types out of a combination of homogeneous characteristics.. , I might perhaps succeed in writing the history which so many historians have neglected: that of Manners.. Finally, Balzac underscored his contribution to the.. by assigning to each social type a particular cultural and geographic milieu within which their manners are manifest.. He thus divided the 100 novels of.. the Human Comedy.. into six series headings: Hence the very.. natural division.. into the Scenes of Private Life, of Provincial Life, of Parisian, Political, Military, and Country Life.. Under these six headings are classified all the studies of manners which form the history of society at large.. His claim to nature aside, Balzac's physiological method activates and augments the social imaginary.. Indeed, the veracity of his inventories depended on his reader's familiarity with the typological system through which the novelist could depict his characters' manners, dress, and milieu as signifiers of their social position.. As Balzac admitted in the preface, These six classes correspond, indeed, to familiar conceptions.. Thus, in his novels, Balzac assumes the dual role of illustrator-writer, providing detailed descriptions of his characters' topographic or furnished settings, facial features, physical bearing, and attire.. He likewise narrates the characters' inner, emotional life as it manifests the passions of a particular social type.. Finally, with this visual detail and verbal density,.. Balzac circumscribes a narrative space for his characters, so that they function as physiological specimens who perform, and advance the narrative, according to their pre-determined social markers.. Indeed, much like the iconic figures in.. , Balzac's characters are rendered static by the weight of their legibility.. They interact only insofar as they bring each other into binary dramatic relief.. Balzac extended this binary to Paris and the provinces.. As he pronounced in the to.. , Scenes of Provincial Life represented the age of passion, scheming, self-interest, and ambition.. Then the Scenes of Parisian Life give a picture of the tastes and vice and unbridled powers which conduce to the habits peculiar to great cities, where the extremes of good and evil meet.. Paris and the Provinces ‒ a great social antithesis ‒ held for me immense resources.. Consequently, in.. Scenes of Provincial Life.. Scenes of Parisian Life.. , he gave Each division.. its local color.. To be sure, these divisions perpetuated the pejorative Parisian myth of the provincial other as the site of boredom, backwardness, and isolation.. Such a provincial portrait is rendered in.. Albert Savarus.. which, incidentally, takes place in the Franche-Comté capital of Besançon.. However, as Andrew Watts has shown, Balzac's view of the provinces was not so one-sided; his novels shift between negative and positive portrayals.. Additionally, Balzac stood at the forefront of a literary rediscovery of provincial France,.. part of a broader national movement to preserve and restore provincial traditions and monuments.. Especially in his later novels, Balzac portrayed the provinces and its inhabitants as guardians of the nation's traditional values ‒ wholesome simplicity, domestic tranquility ‒ and of nature's restorative powers.. 14, Delacroix et Pauquet, Frontispiece,.. A Burial at Ornans.. , 1849–50.. 15, Gustave Courbet.. http://library.. artstor.. org.. proxy.. lib.. fsu.. edu/library/.. The Peasants of Flagey Returning from the Fair, Ornans.. , 1850–55.. Musée des Beaux-Arts, Besançon.. 16, Gustave Courbet,.. Historical Intersections II: The Physiologies of Rural Types.. This shift in the Paris/province binary, and an attendant ambiguity, is also mirrored in.. In the last three volumes of.. the project of cataloguing individual urban types is replaced by a catalogue of the moral physiognomy of each province.. However, as Ségolène Le Men explains, a shift in style and intention occurs between the first and second volumes of this latter series.. The first of the tomes is devoted to the general representative types of the provinces and follows both the format and the frequent satirical voice of the Paris volumes.. The individual chapters, authored by Parisian writers, also mirror provincial life as viewed from the Paris center, that of mediocrity and monotony.. In contrast, volume two of the province series gives voice to the regionalist movement as well as to issues of the gravity of its mission.. Here the editor's introduction announces a new direction and purpose ‒ to understand the physiognomy of the provinces,.. which are erased day by day and will disappear forever.. Therefore, in order to recover ancient values and a national moral unity in the face of the (post-revolutionary) fragmentation of  ...   Personal correspondence with author, January 3, 2012.. See, for example, Three Gentlemen (August 1843), Fashion Plate Collection, 19th Century, Claremont Colleges Digital Library, accessed January 3, 2012,.. http://ccdl.. libraries.. claremont.. edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/fpc/id/628/rec/5.. Accordingly, Brevik-Zender speculates, Even if the sartorial look here is deliberately trying to evoke the country (the wide hat brim that provides shade from the sun, the walking stick), on the other hand, the sharp white collar and cuff, the shiny lining and straight seams of the cape, the neatly buttoned vest: these details emphasize the impeccable tailoring of the garments and move away from notions of the rural, the informal, or manual labor.. was coined by Balzac; see Rivers,.. Face Value.. , 115.. Nochlin, identifies the visual sources for.. : Rembrandt's.. Night Watch.. (1642); the woodcut illustrations of firemen and incendiary events represented in popular broadsides; and the more upscale illustrated newspapers that depicted these scenes with more realistic wood engravings.. Nochlin, Courbet's.. , 212.. T.. Clark,.. Image of the People: Gustave Courbet and the 1848 Revolution.. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 129–30.. The three volumes that constitute.. are numbered separately from the first five volumes of (urban).. and arranged by theme and region: vol.. 1 treats provincial social types; vol.. 2 treats the provincial regions within the French continental borders; and vol.. 3 treats the colonies.. Courbet to Alfred Bruyas, Ornans, October [?] 1853, in Petra ten-Doesschate Chu, ed.. Letters of Gustave Courbet.. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 116.. Courbet, The Realist Manifesto, trans.. in Linda Nochlin,.. Realism and Tradition in Art, 1848–1900.. , Sources and Documents (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1966), 33–34.. The Pavilion of Realism, for which a brochure—.. Exposition et vente de 40 peintures et 4 dessins de Gustave Courbet.. (Paris, 1855)—was published, was located outside the 1855 Universal Exposition; the preface to this brochure was titled Realism, which later historians dubbed Realist Manifesto.. Nous nous montrerons à eux non pas seulement peints en buste, mais des pieds à la tête et aussi ridicules que pourrons nous faire;.. rien ne manquera à cette œuvre complète, qui a pour objet l'étude des mœurs contemporaines.. Jules Janin, introduction to.. (Paris: Curmer, 1841), 1:xvi.. Nous voulons seulement rechercher de quelle façon il faut nous y prendre pour laisser quelque peu, après nous, de cette chose qu'on appelle la vie privée d'un peuple; car malgré nous, nous qui vivons aujourd'hui, nous serons un jour la postérité.. Un jour viendra où nos petits-fils voudront savoir qui nous étions et ce que faisions en ce temps-là; comment nous étions vêtus;.. quelles étaient.. nos habitudes, nos plaisirs [etc.. ].. , iv–v.. Toutes les classes de la société ont été explorées.. tout a été sondé.. Léon Curmer,.. Les Français peints par eux-mêmes: Province.. (Paris: Curmer, 1842), 3: 457.. As previously noted, the province volumes of.. were numbered separately from urban volumes 1–5.. Therefore, Curmer's closing statements quoted here mark the end of the completed 8-volume publication.. Courbet to Champfleury, Ornans, November-December 1854, in Chu,.. Letters.. , 131.. Because of the affinities between Courbet's rhetoric and the.. , I have replaced Chu's translation of the word.. l'histoire.. as tale (in C'est l'histoire morale et physique de mon atelier ) with history, as in Rubin,.. , 139.. Chu has also related the random placement of the figures on the left with the so-called [early nineteenth-century].. physiognomies.. , or types.. Petra ten-Doesschate Chu,.. The Most Arrogant Man in France: Gustave Courbet and the Nineteenth-Century Media Culture.. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 70, 72.. Courbet continues in the letter to Champfleury by naming his friends—writers, political activists, patrons—on the right: Promayet with his violin.. Then behind him are Bruyas, Cuenot, Buchon, Proudhon;.. Next to [Champfleury (seated)].. closer to the foreground is a woman of the world and her husband, both luxuri ously dressed.. Then towards the extreme right.. is Baudelaire reading a large book.. Rubin also reads Courbet's attire in the.. (green jacket and brown trousers), as a sign of his social status as a successful bourgeois, rather than a lowly artisan; Rubin,.. , 152.. Apparently, Courbet appropriated this class signifier from his bourgeois patron, Alfred Bruyas, who is dressed in similar attire, including the green striped collar of his jacket in.. ; see Sarah Lees, Michel Hilaire, and Sylvain Amic,.. Bonjour, Monsieur Courbet!: The Bruyas Collection from the Musée Fabre, Montpellier.. (Paris: Réunion des Musées Nationaux, 2004), 113.. For a discussion of how Courbet adapted Proudhon's social philosophy to his own artistic program, see Rubin,.. , 147–52; and Rubin's in-depth study,.. Realism and Social Vision in Courbet Proudhon.. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980).. According to Rubin, Courbet placed himself in the center of.. , painting a landscape which functions as a claim to his authenticity and his truth to nature.. Both the landscape painting and the painter at work on his canvas signify the physical object produced by manual labor and, thereby, a sign of the redemptive/transcendent power of aestheticized labor.. , 150.. While Courbet would likely want to identify with the political avant garde in 1855, T.. Clark has established that the artist did not physically participate in the 1848 Revolution, and at that time his politics were ambiguous.. Clark further argues that the seven years of my artistic life in.. 's subtitle marks, in Clark's words, the artist's bidding farewell to the past following the open Salon of 1848 where Courbet exhibited ten works dating from as early as 1841.. Image of the People.. , 49–50.. At the 1849 Salon, Courbet exhibited the large-scale painting of family and friends titled.. After Dinner at Ornans.. (1848-49), for which he received a gold medal, as well as landscapes showing sites near his home, thereby displaying his origins.. , 43–44.. See Le Men, Peints par eux-mêmes, 6.. As Sieburth observes, the figures are also disjoined from their textual settings, making it difficult to determine whether the text comments on the image or the image comments on the text.. Sieburth, Une idéologie du lisible, 54.. See also the silhouetted figures and vignette composition of.. The Wrestlers.. (Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, 1852–53).. The wrestlers' stocky anatomical proportions, and especially the lower half of the body and stance of the wrestler on the right, are very similar to the.. of the wrestler (by Charlet) in.. Rubin identifies an equally viable source, a woodcut of a wrestling match from Edmund Texier's.. Tableau de Paris.. (1852), which may have also been spawned by the same.. , 112–13.. See Chang's description of clothing and hats in Hats and Hierarchy, 722.. As Chang shows, Courbet's depiction of dress, accessories (hat and walking sticks), stances, and gestures in.. are each encoded with manifold significations, concluding that [the] simultaneous legibility and illegibility [of these codes].. provided an alternative, secret narrative in the painting, in which the hierarchies between painter, patron, and servant were ambiguated and remain(ed) unresolved, 726, 728.. Petra Chu has cogently argued that Courbet used irony as a visual rhetoric in his major Salon paintings of the 1850s, allowing him to make powerful, even controversial visual statements in indirect and ambiguous ways.. Chu,.. Most Arrogant Man.. , 77–78.. I especially commend Chu for identifying ironic strategies in Courbet's works.. Her work lays the groundwork for further consideration of Courbet's ironic use of the.. , which were also written with ironic intonations.. See Boutin, Physiology of the Law Student, 59–60; and Rivers,.. , 112–17.. , 13.. As is well known, Nochlin identified popular imagery of the Wandering Jew as the formal and iconographic source of Courbet's composition and self-portrait; particularly, the triad of figures in the popular woodcut.. Les bourgeois de la ville parlant au juif errant.. , which was later incorporated in the frontispiece of Champfleury's.. Histoire de l'imagerie populaire.. (1869, 1886).. The Wandering Jew is also identified as the prototype for Courbet's lithograph.. The Apostle, Jean Journet, Setting off for the Conquest of Universal Harmony.. , 1850, and in turn, serving as thematic prototype for Courbet's self-portrait in.. , 209–10, 214–15.. Alain Corbin argues that the binary remained strong in mid-nineteenth century French culture; see Paris-Province, in.. Les Lieux de mémoire.. Conflits et partages.. tome III.. , vol.. 1, ed.. Pierre Nora (Paris: Gallimard, 1992), 777–823.. By 1849, Courbet was travelling back and forth between Paris and Ornans.. Throughout her book,.. Courbet.. (New York: Abbeville, 2008), Ségolène Le Men compares Courbet and his works to characters and scenes taken from contemporary literature, including Honoré Balzac's.. Comédie humaine.. , among others.. James Rubin tangentially relates Balzac's.. and the related visual repertoire of.. to Courbet's Realist theory and practice.. , 169–70.. Clark briefly discusses Balzac's.. Les Paysans.. in relation to peasant unrest and bourgeois antagonism toward the peasantry.. Although Clark doubts that Courbet knew of.. , he poignantly states that Courbet adopted Balzac's solution to devise a structure which deliberately refused to unite the elements of rural society; [both] represented their disunity, rather than merely reproducing it.. , 120.. I argue that Courbet would likely be familiar with Balzac's provincial novels, given his novelist friends, Buchon, Champfleury, and Wey (see note 38 below; and Clark's discussion in.. , at 116–19, of the peasant novels written by the latter two).. Balzac first defined the role of the physiologist, in.. Traité de la vie élégante.. (1830), as that of deciphering an individual's social status by his clothing.. Rivers,.. , 114–15.. was first published in.. La Mode.. as a series of articles, and published as an incomplete book posthumously in 1853.. See Andrea Goulet, Traité de la vie élégante, review of.. Nineteenth-Century French Studies.. 30, nos.. 1-2 (2001-2002): 182–84.. Petra Chu also cites the 1853 publication as a parallel text for Courbet's composition of two social groups in.. and Balzac's division of society into those who work,.. who think,.. and those who do nothing, Chu,.. , 74.. Because the deciphering practice became synonymous with the.. and engrained in Balzac's novels, his definition of physiologist merits quoting at length:.. So why would clothing always be the most eloquent of styles if it were not really the whole man, man with his political opinions, man with the text of his existence, man made into a hieroglyph? Even today,.. clothingonomy.. has become almost a branch of the art created by Gall and Lavater.. Although we now nearly all dress in the same manner, it is easy for an observer to pick out in a crowd, in an assembly, at the theater, or on a stroll, the man of the Marais, of the Faubourg Saint-Germain, of the Latin quarter, or of the Chaussée d'Antin; the prolerariat, the proprietor, the consumer and the producer, the lawyer and the serviceman, the man who talks and the man who acts.. The quartermasters of our armies do not recognize the uniforms of our regiments any more promptly than the physiologist distinguishes the liveries imposed on by wealth, work, or misery.. Honoré de Balzac,.. Treatise on Elegant Living.. Napoleon Jeffries (Cambridge, MA: Wakefield Press, 2010), 68.. Pourquoi la toilette serait-elle donc toujours le plus éloquent des styles, si elle n'était pas réellement tout l'homme, l'homme avec ses opinions politiques, l'homme avec le texte de son existence, l'homme hiéroglyphe? Aujourd'hui même encore, la vestignomonie est devenue presque une branche de l'art créé par Gall et Lavater.. Quoique, maintenant, nous soyons à peu près tous habillés de la même manière, il est facile à l'observateur de retrouver dans une foule, au sein d'une assemblé, au théâtre, à la promenade, l'homme du Marais, du faubourg Saint-Germain, du pays Latin, de la Chaussée d'Antin; le prolétaire, le propriétaire, le consommateur et le producteur, l'avocat et le militaire, l'homme qui parle et l'homme qui agit.. Les intendants de nos armées ne reconnaissent pas les uniformes de nos régiments avec plus de promptitude que le physiologiste ne distingue les livrées imposées à l'homme par le luxe, le travail ou la misère.. Traité de la vie élégante suivi de la Théorie de la démarche.. (Paris: Bossard, 1922), 104.. See Martin Kanes, introduction to.. Critical Essays on Honoré De Balzac.. Martin Kanes (Boston: G.. K.. Hall, 1990), 3–7.. What is especially pertinent here is Kanes's remark that at the time of Balzac's death his position as a major writer was not firmly fixed; although he was highly appreciated by sophisticated readers such as Stendhal and Hugo, 6.. After Balzac's death, Baudelaire was among his strongest admirers.. Martin Kanes, The Essence of Balzac, in Kanes,.. Critical Essays.. , 30–31.. Courbet's friends who wrote Balzacian novels include Max Buchon, who wrote.. En Provence: Scènes franche-comtoises.. (1856), as an homage to Balzac (see: Andrew Watts,.. Preserving the Provinces: Small Town and Countryside in the Work of Honoré De Balzac.. [Oxford: Peter Lang, 2007], 289); and Champfleury who wrote.. Les Bourgeois de Molinchart.. (Paris: Librairie Nouvelle, 1855) the plot of which is based on provincial adultery.. Champfleury, a Realist critic and a staunch supporter of Courbet, published.. Le Réalisme.. , a collection of articles, in 1857.. Baudelaire also considered Champfleury a follower of Balzac's provincial novels.. Charles Baudelaire, Les Contes de Champfleury [1848], in.. Œuvres complètes.. (Paris: Laffont, 1980), 446.. In 1861 Champfleury also connected Courbet and Balzac, at least in the title of his publication.. Oeuvres illustrées de Champfleury: Grandes figures d'hier et d'aujourd'hui; Balzac, Gérard de Nerval, Wagner, Courbet.. (Paris: Poulet-Malassis et de Broise, 1861).. Balzac's five essays for.. are titled: L'Epicier (1839 separate issue/ vol.. 1, 1840); La Femme comme il faut (1839 separate issue/ vol.. 1, 1840), Le Notaire (vol.. 2, 1841), La Monographie du rentier (vol.. 3, 1841); and La Femme de province (.. Les Français: Provinces.. 1, 1842).. Balzac's.. Physiologie du mariage.. of 1829 predates and influences the satirical mode and social geography of the multi-volume.. See Natalie Bassett, La 'Physiologie du mariage' Est-elle une physiologie?.. L'Année balzacienne.. (1986): 101–14.. As Ségolène Le Men has shown, Balzac conceived and published.. within the same network of people and ideas, employing the same illustrators, publisher, and editing practices as.. Ségolène Le Men, 'La littérature panoramique' dans la genèse de 'La comédie humaine': Balzac et 'Les Français peints par eux-mêmes,'.. (2002): 73–100.. Balzac, Author's Introduction,.. The Works of Honoré De Balzac.. With Introductions by George Saintsbury.. (Boston: Dana Estes, 1901), n.. , Project Gutenberg, accessed May 31, 2011,.. gutenberg.. org/dirs/1/9/6/1968/1968-h/1968-h.. htm#2H_INTR.. The indices of.. are arranged as lists, presenting the chapter title bearing the social type depicted in the essay, with a miniaturized image of the iconic figure embedded in the chapter text.. , n.. ; my italics.. Champfleury referred to Balzac as le grand peintre de mœurs.. Champfleury, Préface to.. Oeuvres illustrées de Champfleury.. , 11.. Italics mine.. Watts,.. Preserving the Provinces.. , 290.. This preservationist movement begins in the Restoration and continues through the Second Republic.. See Watts,.. , 80–83; and Stéphane Gerson, Parisian Litterateurs, Provincial Journeys and the Construction of National Unity in Post-Revolutionary France,.. Past Present.. 151 (May, 1996): 141–73.. Le Men, Peints par eux-mêmes, 56.. , 49.. The series editor Edouard Ourliac explained the problem that resulted in the first of the province volumes the catalogue of types by occupation merely repeated the principle traits of the Parisian types.. Edouard Ourliac, introduction to vol.. 2 of.. Curmer, 1841), 2:10.. Le Men, Peints par eux-mêmes, 49.. Ourliac, Introduction, 10.. Le Men, Peints par eux-mêmes, 53.. Courbet's effort to counter the monolithic view of the provinces closely follows Balzac's literary model.. As Andrew Watts explains, in Balzac's provincial novels identities are both fragmented and unstable, torn between backwardness and sophistication,.. brilliance and mediocrity.. These shifts in Balzacian perspective ensure that neither his provinces, nor the Paris to which they are constantly compared, are a monolith.. , 297.. Courbet to Alfred Bruyas, October [?] 1853, in Chu,.. , 116.. As Rubin notes, the countryside setting references the change in burial laws which no longer permitted burials in church graveyards because of soil contamination of decaying bodies; therefore, burials had to take place outside of the city;.. , 75.. Courbet to Champfleury, Ornans, February-March 1850, in Chu,.. , 93.. In addition to Courbet's letter to Champfleury cited above, most likely there were additional correspondence or personal visits between the two, since Champfleury identifies most of the Ornanians by name, family affiliation and, often, occupation in L'Enterrement d'Ornans (1851), in the chapter dealing with Courbet's painting,.. A Burial in Ornans.. , in Champfleury,.. , 233–5.. See also Rubin,.. , 78–79; and Chu,.. , 85.. , 3rd.. ser.. 1 (1842): 26, trans.. and quoted in Chu,.. , 58.. Nochlin relates the additive figurative arrangement of Courbet's composition to the popular naïve woodcut prints, associated generally with.. Degrés des âges.. and specifically with.. Napoleon's Funeral Procession.. Linda Nochlin, Innovation and Tradition in Courbet's.. Burial at Ornans.. , in.. Essays in Honor of Walter Friedlaender.. Walter Cahn and Marcel Franciscono (New York: Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 1965), 122–23.. See Clark,.. , ch.. 6, for the critical written responses to Courbet in 1850–51.. , 137.. Arnoux, review of Salon of 1851,.. La Patrie.. , January 30, 1851, quoted ibid.. , 138.. Quant à la laideur prétendue des bourgeois d'Ornans, elle n'a rien d'exagéré; c'est la laideur de la province, qu'il importe de distinguer de la laideur de Paris.. Champfleury, L'Enterrement de Ornans, 239.. See also Rubin, who quotes Champfleury's description of the Ornanian's distorted features as an expression of his disdain for the [provincial] bourgeois.. , 91.. Champfleury's observations also match the pejorative attitude voiced in the provincial preservation movement; see note 66 below.. See Gerson, Parisian Litterateurs, 164–65, in which the author cites Taxile Delord, Le Provençal, in.. , 2:75–76, and Edouard Ourliac, Le Gascon, in.. , 2:285–86.. As Gerson explains, this pejorative attitude toward the newly rich rural bourgeois also informed the writings of the.. littérateurs.. who traveled the provinces in search of its authenticity.. These writers include Victor Hugo and Stendhal.. Similar to the critical discourse regarding Courbet's painting, Balzac's critics either hailed or deprecated the author for exaggerating the peasants' ugliness or stupidity.. See Ione Crummy, The Subversion of Gleaning in Balzac's.. and in Millet's.. Les Glaneuses.. Neohelicon.. 26, no.. 1 (1999): 11–14.. According to Watts, these one-sided stereotypes sustained the seventeenth-century satirical notion of the provinces as a uniform whole.. , 294.. As Clark explains, the procession to the fair dates to the Middle Ages and was described by a government-sponsored economist on an.. excursion agricole.. in 1836.. Courbet obviously reverses the temporal event by representing the return from the fair rather than the procession to the fair.. Such a return subverts the expectation that the going would foster.. Here I suggest that this hybrid represents townsperson-peddler, who would be without a stable regional town identity.. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,.. Du principe de l'art et de sa destination sociale.. (1865; repr.. Farnborough: Gregg, 1971),192–93, trans.. and quoted in Rubin,.. Realism and Social Vision.. , 70.. See Thomas Schlesser and Bertrand Tillier,.. Courbet face à la caricature: Le chahut par l'image.. (Paris: Kimé, 2007), 19, 31–35.. Caricatures also target the vulgarity of Courbet's rural subjects by associating his paintings with dirt and odor.. Note that in fig.. 22, the difference in label date and title date is due to Cham's satire (as per the caption) showing what will be exhibited in 1852 following Courbet's success in 1851.. , 33.. , 35.. was re-published in various editions during the next three decades: in two volumes in 1853, by Furne (Paris); in two volumes, in 1860 by Lécrivain et Toubon; in two volumes, in 1861, and in 4 volumes in 1876–78, by Philippart (Paris).. These editions have varied selections from the original publication.. An English edition appeared in 1841: Jules Gabriel Janin,.. Pictures of the French: A Series of Literary Graphical Delineations of the French Character.. (London: T.. Tegg, 1841).. Furne also published 17 volumes of Balzac's.. between 1842–48.. Following Balzac's death, the publisher Houssiaux reprinted the 17 volumes and added an 18th volume completing.. ; the Houssiaux edition was reprinted several times, in 1865, 1868, 1874, 1877, 1891, 1924.. For this publishing history see Isabelle Tournier, Robert Tranchida, and Kim In-Kyoung, Balzac Bibliographie, in.. Balzac, La Comédie humaine.. Edition critique en ligne.. , Groupe International de Recherches Balzaciennes, la Mairie de Paris, University of Chicago, accessed February 14, 2011,.. v1.. fr/commun/v2asp/musees/balzac/furne/bibliobalz.. See Anne Coffin Hanson, Manet's Subject Matter and a Source of Popular Imagery,.. Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies.. 3 (1968), 63–80; Ewa Lajer-Burcharth, Modernity and the Condition of Disguise: Manet's '.. Absinthe Drinker.. ,' in Manet, special issue,.. Art Journal.. 1 (Spring, 1985), 18–26; and Carol Armstrong,.. Odd Man Out: Readings of the Work and Reputation of Edgar Degas.. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).. In the latter study, Armstrong argues for Degas's reliance on, and ultimate subversion of, physiognomic practices (here decoding social identity via external signs of gesture, costume, and setting), which I would argue can be extended to include.. Likewise, Emile Zola was equally dependent upon.. and physiognomies to encode his characters' social status and moral stature.. See Rivers,.. , chap.. 6..

    Original link path: /index.php/spring13/weingarden-imaging-and-imagining-the-french-peasant
    Open archive

  • Title: Thompson on The Immaculate Conception Window in Sante Croce
    Descriptive info: Nancy Thompson is Associate Professor of Art History at St.. Olaf College in Northfield, Minnesota.. She has published on the 14th-century stained glass of Santa Croce in Florence, on the culture of restoration in 19th-century Florence and Tuscany, and on the life and work of Ulisse De Matteis (1827–1910).. Her current book project, “St.. Bonaventure’s Theology of Light and Franciscan Stained Glass in Medieval Tuscany and Umbria,” discusses the relationship between Franciscan theological ideas about light, the physical experience of light, and the use of stained glass in medieval Franciscan architecture.. She is also a part of the Material Collective and periodically blogs at.. thematerialcollective.. Email the author thompsn[at]stolaf.. Nancy M.. Chiostro.. 1861-62.. Oil on board.. Gallery of Modern Art in the Palazzo Pitti, Florence.. Photo: Wikimedia Commons: http://commons.. wikimedia.. org/wiki/File:Abbati_Interno_.. di_un_chiostro.. jpg'});">.. Giuseppe Abbati,.. Photo: Wikimedia Commons:.. http://commons.. jpg.. The Virgin Immaculate, Jesus of the Sacred Heart, St.. Jerome, St.. Germanus, St.. Tarasius and St.. Sophronios.. , 1869.. Stained-glass window.. Spinelli-Sloan chapel, Santa Croce, Florence.. Photo: author.. 2.. Ulisse De Matteis,.. Both Giuseppe Abbati’s 1861–62 small oil painting of the cloister of Santa Croce (fig.. 1) and Ulisse De Matteis’s 1869 stained-glass window of the Immaculate Conception (fig.. 2) highlight the political and artistic importance of the medieval Franciscan church of Santa Croce in 19th-century Florence.. As Albert Boime explains in his monograph on the Tuscan Macchiaioli painters, Abbati’s simple study of a worker at rest in Santa Croce’s cloister captures the artist’s hope that, through restoration of the urban fabric, Florence and the Italian nation will be made modern.. When Abbati painted the cloister, the interior of Santa Croce was undergoing a major restoration to return the church to what many 19th-century Florentines believed was its original medieval state.. De Matteis’s window, which depicts an image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus next to the Virgin Immaculate above four standing saints whose writings act as the theological underpinnings of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, was commissioned by English expatriate Francis Sloane for his private chapel (fig.. 3), which he purchased and restored as part of the larger restoration of Santa Croce.. The contrast between Abbati’s secular painting of the cloister, which modernizes the church by imaging it as a place of peaceful contemplation and potential renewal, and the theological nature of De Matteis’s.. window celebrating papal dogma, is quite striking.. While Abbati and his fellow Macchiaioli intended to create a new art not constrained by academic or church traditions, De Matteis constructed a window that through its imagery explicitly supports the concept of papal infallibility.. Interpreters of Abbati’s work can draw from a large body of art historical scholarship on the Macchiaioli;.. however, there is not much written about explicitly Catholic works of art created in 19th-century Florence.. What, then, do we make of the.. window and of its patron, Francis Sloane? Following an investigation of the religious and political context surrounding the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, I argue that the Sloane window was a conservative Catholic, or ultramontane, response to the modern and secular world embraced by artists and thinkers like the Macchiaioli and by the new liberal Tuscan and Italian national governments that came into being after Leopold II, the last of the Habsburg Grand Dukes to rule Tuscany, left Florence peacefully in 1859.. Pius IX, the Immaculate Conception, and Papal Infallibility.. When he became pope in 1846, Pius IX hoped to modernize the papacy and reconcile the Holy See to some of the demands of liberal reformers.. In particular, he gave financial assistance to the working poor and amnesty to political prisoners.. These acts of benevolence and tolerance caused European social activists, most notably Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807–82), to herald Pius IX as a great reformer.. However, Pius could not meet many of the key demands of the more radical republicans in Rome, and he was unwilling to oust foreign powers and declare war on the nations occupying the peninsula because he viewed himself as a religious leader rather than as a secular head of state.. Unrest in Rome led to an outright revolution on November 16–17, 1848, and Pius IX left for Naples on November 27, declaring that “Rome had become ‘a den of wild beasts’ of ‘apostates’ and ‘heretics’ who threatened his temporal and spiritual power.. When he retook the papal throne in 1850, Pius IX completely renounced his pre-1848 conciliatory tone and began to view Italian nationalism, constitutionalism, and liberalism as threats to the institution of the Church.. Pius’s return was commanded by the French, who jockeyed for a balance of power in the peninsula, and by the Austrians, who sought to restore antinational powers in Italy and maintain their control over northern regions such as Tuscany.. Although Catholic and generally aligned with the Church, the Austrians in Tuscany governed with some Enlightenment ideals that proved problematic for Pius IX and caused the pope to push for Tuscan conformity with papal demands.. In 1848, Grand Duke Leopold II issued the Statute of Rights, which guaranteed Tuscans certain freedoms, including the freedom of the press.. However, upon Pius’s restoration and his increasing conservatism, Leopold, who had been recently reinstated himself following an exile due to the 1848–49 revolutions, caved to the Pope’s demands that he rescind the Statute.. In April 1851, Leopold signed a concordat with Rome that repealed the Statute of Rights and denied freedoms to non-Catholics.. Following the concordat, Protestants—and Catholics who studied the Bible in private—were arrested and imprisoned despite much local and international protest.. Pius’s strict intolerance of other faiths and his insistence on clerical intermediaries for scriptural interpretation are indicative of his campaign to re-establish papal authority in a time of increasing secularization by focusing much of his attention on spiritual matters.. Pius IX canonized more saints than any pope preceding him, re-established the Catholic church hierarchy in England, entered the Feast of the Sacred Heart of Jesus into the liturgical calendar in 1856 and, most notably for this essay, declared the dogma of the Immaculate Conception with.. Ineffabilis Deus.. in 1854.. The central tenet of.. , the main subject of the Sloane window, is that “the Blessed Virgin Mary.. in the first instance of her conception, by a singular privilege and grace granted by God, in view of the merits of Jesus Christ, the Savior of the human race, was preserved exempt from all stain of original sin.. also unabashedly declared papal sovereignty in matters of faith and a rejection of secular modernity.. Pius considered attaching a statement on the errors of the modern world to the bull, “but this was deemed inappropriate,” presumably by Pius’s cardinals and advisors.. However, following the establishment of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861, Pius had no trouble critiquing and condemning King Victor Emanuel II’s increasingly liberal and secular government.. In an 1861 parliamentary debate, the supporters of moderately liberal prime minister Camillo Cavour (1810–61) argued that the papacy should give up its temporal power to the kingdom but remain sovereign in religious matters.. Consequently Pius IX cut off all negotiations with the liberals in the government in 1861 and declared Roman independence.. And on December 8, 1864, the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, the papacy published the Syllabus of Errors that Pius had intended to append to.. The Syllabus condemned most modern political movements (including socialism, communism, and liberalism), the government’s attempts to provide a secular education to Italian children, and the private reading of the Bible in the vernacular, something that had become more prevalent in Florence in particular, with the influx of Protestants into the city in the 1850s.. Spurred on by the controversies created by the Syllabus of Errors, Pius called a meeting of the Vatican Council, the first ecumenical council since the Council of Trent in the mid-16th century, which began in 1869.. In the following year, the Vatican Council approved the doctrine of papal infallibility, which states that when the pope “speaks.. ex-cathedra.. and defines a doctrine regarding faith or morals to be held by the universal church, [he] is infallible.. When Pius issued.. in 1854, he did so.. and papal infallibility was implied; however, with the explicit declaration in 1870, the Vatican Council proclaimed a dogma that gave the pope the last word on all doctrinal matters at a time when the papacy’s power to control both spiritual matters and its own territory was challenged by the new Italian national government.. gaddi/agnolo/crop.. 3.. View of the Spinelli-Sloane chapel, the high altar chapel, and the Bardi chapel of Santa Croce, Florence.. The Spinelli-Sloane chapel is just to the left of the high altar.. The window above the chapel, at the top left of the photograph, preserves the Spinelli coat of arms in the top roundel.. wga.. hu/art/g/.. 4.. The Spinelli-Sloane chapel in Santa Croce, Florence.. The Restoration of the Sloane Chapel and the.. Window.. In the same year that the Vatican Council began its meeting that led to the codification of the dogma of papal infallibility, Francis Sloane commissioned Ulisse De Matteis to create a window of the Immaculate Conception as part of Sloane’s restoration of his private chapel located just to the left of Santa Croce’s high altar chapel (figs.. 3, 4).. Earlier in 1869, the.. Opera.. of Santa Croce, the board that oversaw the restoration of the church, gave Francis Sloane permission to purchase the Spinelli chapel, with the agreement that Sloane keep the Spinelli coat-of-arms in the chapel window and restore the chapel at his own expense.. While the Spinelli coat-of-arms is preserved in the window above the chapel (fig.. 3), Sloane placed his own arms in the roundel at the top of the window inside the chapel (figs.. 2, 5).. According to Filippo Moisè, the chapel was originally dedicated to the Assumption of the Virgin and decorated by Giotto.. A heavily-restored, 14th-century fresco of the Assumption remains above the chapel (visible in fig.. 3), remnants of which were visible not long before Moisè wrote his book in 1845.. The window atop the chapel depicting an abbreviated Tree of Jesse (with the Spinelli coat-of-arms in the top roundel) also dates from the early 14th century (fig.. In 1837, a member of the religious community, identified as Padre Savino Bachechi, provided a small sum for the restoration of the chapel.. At this time, the chapel was re-dedicated to the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception, and the neo-classical painter Gaspare Martellini painted an altarpiece of the Virgin Immaculate (visible in fig.. 4) and frescoed the walls with images of the Virgin.. The Martellini frescoes were preserved in Sloane’s restoration “for the history of painting,” according to an 1869 inscription located on the left wall of the chapel.. The inscription in the chapel also indicates the larger goal of the artists and restorers who worked in Santa Croce in the late 1860s.. It states that “this chapel, which once belonged to the Tolosini, then to the Spinelli and then to the Sloanes, which from 1560 forward suffered damages from the decadence of the arts, was in 1869 returned to its ancient form following the traces of the original construction of 1295.. In an article published in.. La Nazione.. on October 5, 1869, an anonymous author notes that the entire church of Santa Croce, a “stupendous monument,” was damaged by the “decadence of the arts” in the 16th through 18th centuries.. The author urged the destruction and removal of all elements that were not medieval, particularly those associated with Vasari and Cosimo I from the 1560s that altered and hid the beautiful antique (.. bello antico.. ), original parts of the church.. After the restoration of the entire church and the restoration and decoration of the Sloane chapel was complete, the Sienese academic painter Luigi Mussini (1813–88) declared in an 1870 speech that the restorers successfully rid the church of the bad taste of the past two centuries, the period corresponding with the later Medici and Austrian rule, to reveal Santa Croce’s medieval state.. According to the Sloane chapel’s restorers, Mussini, and the.. reporter, the restoration of Santa Croce and the removal of non-medieval, or what were perceived to be non-native Florentine elements, symbolized the Florentine emergence from centuries of despotic rule.. The Virgin Immaculate and Jesus of the Sacred Heart.. While the restoration of Sloane’s chapel was in keeping with the political ideals that guided the restoration of the church, the window’s iconography upholds the Catholic church’s primacy in theological matters by illustrating two recently canonized popular pieties: devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus and the Immaculate Conception.. The image of the Virgin at the top left of the Sloane window (fig.. 5) conforms to the new guidelines for the image of the Virgin Immaculate, written by Jean Baptiste Malou, the Bishop of Bruges, in his 1856.. Iconographie de l'immaculée conception de la très-Sainte vierge Marie.. De Matteis’s Virgin, with her downcast eyes, her arms crossed across her chest, and her white and blue robes, conforms very closely to Malou’s ideal, indicating the conformity of the artist and patron to the church’s new standards.. The addition of Jesus of the Sacred Heart, who stands to the Virgin’s left (fig.. 5), further reinforces the ultramontane message of the window.. Dedication to the Sacred Heart of Jesus rose in the 19th century as the Catholic revival movement encouraged worshippers to practice a specific set of private devotions.. Although there was devotion to Christ’s sacred heart in certain locations already in the 13th century, the feast had been celebrated with episcopal approval only since the 17th century.. Dedication to the Catholic cult of the sacred heart grew in France with the revelations to the Visitationist nun Marguerite-Marie Alacoque in the 1680s.. In these revelations, Christ “recommended the devotion of the Sacred Heart to her and commanded her to make it widely known.. The revealed devotions specified ways that the faithful could be delivered from eternal damnation, and 17th-century theologians interpreted her visions and writings with particular attention to their salvific meanings.. Her visions also played a part in the politics of the French monarchy; her cult was specifically celebrated at points when the monarchy was in trouble, and the sacred heart “was adopted by militant Catholics as their symbol of a Catholic, as opposed to a Republican, vision of the [French] nation.. In 19th-century Germany and Spain as well, dedication to the Sacred Heart was often associated with ultramontane Catholicism.. Thus, when Pius IX, upon the urging of the French clergy, declared the Feast of the Sacred Heart of Jesus as obligatory for all Catholics in 1856, just two years after.. , he once again asserted his solidarity with conservative politics and religion.. Together, the Virgin Immaculate and Jesus of the Sacred Heart at the top of the Sloane window join forces to deliver a strong ultramontane devotional message.. St.. Jerome and St.. Germanus.. Germanus, 1869.. Tarasius.. 7.. 8.. The four saints below the Virgin Immaculate and Jesus of the Sacred Heart—Jerome, Tarasius, Sophronios, and Germanus (figs.. 6, 7, 8)—reinforce the legitimacy of.. Ineffabilis Deus.. by illustrating the theological underpinnings of the dogma and the liturgy for the Immaculate Conception published first in 1854 and revised in 1863.. Given that there was no direct justification for the Immaculate Conception in scripture, theologians who supported the doctrine looked to early Christian writings for support.. And 19th-century theologians in particular, writing just before and after.. , often traced the idea of the Immaculate Conception to the work of Jerome, Tarasius, Sophronios, and Germanus.. For example Luigi Lambruschini (1776–1854), a particularly conservative Italian cardinal and an ally of Pius IX, cites Jerome’s (d.. 420) interpretation of the 77th Psalm as evidence of the Virgin’s complete purity and freedom from original sin.. Jerome’s fierce defense of Mary’s purity in the early fifth century, a period when her continued virginity after Christ’s birth was a subject of great debate, was often cited by 19th-century scholars in defense of the dogma.. The last three saints belong to a group of Greek theologians known as the.. philotheotokoi.. (lovers of the God-bearer), “who wrote the innumerable sermons in honor of the Blessed Virgin from which many a lesson in the Roman Breviary has been borrowed.. Sophronios (fig.. 8), the Patriarch of Jerusalem in the 630s, wrote in a letter that in order to save humankind, God chose a holy Virgin, who was “pure, chaste and immaculate,” and “able to serve in the Incarnation of the Creator.. Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople in the eighth century, referred to Mary as the Lily among thorns, an image that suggested to 19th-century theologians that Germanus believed Mary to be singularly without sin in a fallen world.. Tarasius (fig.. 7), Germanus’s successor, proclaimed the Virgin to be “the Reparatrix of the whole world,” as Leo XIII declared in a later (1895) encyclical on the rosary.. Carlo Passaglia (1812–87), a revolutionary Jesuit who agreed with Pius IX on very little except the Virgin’s immaculate nature, cites the verses of the.. in his 1854–55 treatise on the Immaculate Conception as evidence  ...   of Stained Glass in 19th-Century Italy: Ulisse De Matteis and the.. ,”.. Journal of Glass Studies.. 52 (2010): 217–31.. Albert Boime,.. The Art of the Macchia and the Risorgimento: Representing Culture and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Italy.. (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 248–50.. See the essays in Monica Maffioli, ed.. Santa Croce nell’800.. exh.. Florence, Santa Croce (Florence: Fratelli Alinari, 1986) for more on the restoration of Santa Croce in the 1860s.. For more on the culture of restoration in 19th-Florence, see Nancy Thompson, “Reviving ‘the past greatness of the Florentine people’: Restoring Medieval Florence in the Nineteenth Century,” in.. Medieval Art and Architecture After the Middle Ages.. Alyce Jordan and Janet Marquart (Cambridge Scholars Press, 2009), 171–94.. In addition to Boime’s 1993 book, see Piero Dini,.. Dal caffè Michelangiolo al caffè nouvelle athènes: I macchiaioli tra Firenze e Parigi.. (Turin: Allemandi, 1986); Edith Tonell and Katherine Hart,.. The Macchiaioli: Painters of Italian life, 1850–1900.. (Los Angeles: Frederick S.. Wight Art Gallery, UCLA, 1986); Norma Broude,.. The Macchaioli: Italian Painters of the Nineteenth Century.. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1987); Eugenia Paulicelli, “Art in Modern Italy: From the Macchiaioli to the Transavanguardia” in the.. Cambridge Companion to Modern Italian Culture.. Zygmunt Barański and Rebecca West (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 243–64; and Fernando Mazzocco and Carlo Sisi,.. I macchiaioli prima dell'impressionismo.. Padua, Palazzo Zabarella (Venice: Marsilio, 2003).. There is a body of literature on Luigi Mussini and the Italian Purists (.. i puristi.. ), who were often devoutly Catholic.. The art-historical language surrounding their work is, however, mostly formal and political.. See Luigi Mussini,.. In memoria di Luigi Mussini pittore.. (Siena: S.. Bernardino, 1888); Cesare Guasti, “Del purismo nell’arte a proposito di un quadro di Luigi Mussini,” in.. Scritti d’arte di Cesare Guasti.. (Prato: Successori Vestri, 1897); and Bernardina Sani, ed.. Siena tra purismo e liberty.. (Milan: Mondadori, 1988).. Essays in Maffioli,.. chronicle some of the 19th-century religious art in the church, including the 1837 restoration of the Immaculate Conception chapel.. Frank J.. Coppa,.. Politics and the Papacy in the Modern World.. (Westport CT and London: Praeger, 2008), 26–27.. Frank Coppa, “Italy: The Church and the.. Risorgimento.. World Christianities, c.. 1815–c.. 1914.. , The Cambridge History of Christianity 8, ed.. Sheridan Gilley and Brian Stanley (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 238–39.. Politics and the Papacy.. , 29.. Italian nationalism was perceived by conservatives in Pius’s administration even before 1848.. See Coppa, “Italy: The Church and the.. ,” 236–39.. , 31.. Penny Mittler, “Only Connect: A Case Study of the Influence of the English Church and the Non-Catholic Cults in the Florence of the Risorgimento,” in.. The Religious Roots of Contemporary European Identity.. Lucia Faltin and Melanie Wright (New York and London: Continuum, 2007), 45.. ,” 245–55; and Coppa,.. , 35.. Lucy Riall characterizes the rise in martyr cults in 19th-century Italy as part of Pius IX’s attempts to reinvigorate popular devotion in Europe.. See Riall, “Martyr Cults in Nineteenth-Century Italy,” in The Persistence of Religion in Modern Europe,.. special issue,.. The Journal of Modern History.. 82, no.. 2 (June 2010): 255–87.. Catholic Encyclopedia online.. , “Immaculate Conception,” last accessed June 18, 2012,.. newadvent.. org/cathen/07674d.. Because the Franciscans upheld the truth of the Virgin’s immaculate nature already in the 13th century, Pius IX’s 1854 declaration was considered by many to be a gift to the order.. See Sheridan Gilley’s introduction to.. , 6, for the place of the bull within larger religious movements.. Coppa, “Italy: The Church and the.. ,” 245.. Arturo Jemolo,.. Church and State in Italy 1850–1950.. David Moore (Philadephia: Dufour editions, 1961), 23–25.. This is an English translation of.. Chiesa e Stato in Italia dal Risorgimento ad oggi.. (Turin: Einaudi, 1955), which is an abridgement of the longer volume.. Chiesa e Stato in Italia negliultimi cento anni.. (Turin: Einaudi, 1948).. The entire syllabus can be found at: Papal Encyclicals Online, “The Syllabus of Errors Condemned by Pius IX,” last accessed June 18, 2012,.. papalencyclicals.. net/Pius09/p9syll.. Mittler, “Only Connect,” 44–46.. ,” 247.. A document in the archives of the Opera of Santa Croce contains the official decree of Sloane’s ownership of the chapel, as well as a list of the craftsmen who restored the chapel and the amount Sloane should pay each of them.. The document was signed by the head architect of Santa Croce, Francesco Mazzei, on December 11, 1869.. Affari 6, 1869 (13), Archivio dell’Opera di Santa Croce (AOSC), Florence.. The Sloane chapel originally belonged to the Tolosini family, but by 1440 it was owned by the Spinelli.. See Saturnino Mencherini,.. Santa Croce di Firenze: Memorie e documenti.. (Florence: Tip.. Fiorenza, 1929), 22–33, for a transcription of the early inventories of Santa Croce’s chapels.. Filippo Moisè,.. Santa Croce di Firenze: Illustrazione storico-artistica con note e copiosi documenti inediti.. (Florence: Self-published, 1845), 175–76, on the Spinelli chapel.. Moisè likely echoed Vasari in attributing the chapel to Giotto.. Giuseppe Marchini, in his essay on the stained glass of Santa Croce, in.. Complesso monumentale di Sta.. Croce: la basilica, le capelle, i chiostri.. Umberto Baldini (Florence: Nardini, 1983), 312, attributes the fresco of the Assumption and the 14th-century window above the chapel to Giovanni di Bonino.. See Nancy Thompson, “The Fourteenth-Century Stained Glass of Santa Croce in Florence,” (PhD diss.. , Indiana University, Bloomington, 1999) 52–56, 91–92, and 217–20 for more on the 14th-century window above the chapel.. Isabella Lapi Ballerini, “Due episodi romantici in Santa Croce: Le Cappelle di Sant’Antonio da Padova e dell’Immacolata Concezione,” in Maffioli,.. , 179.. Moisè,.. Santa Croce.. , 175–76.. Martellini depicted the Coronation of the Virgin, the Militant Church with saints, and the event of 1633 when the Florentines voted to fast yearly on the feast of the Conception of the Virgin in thanks for the end of an outbreak of the plague.. See also Lapi Ballerini, “Due episodi romantici in Santa Croce.. “.. Questa cappella già dei Tolosini poi degli Spinelli e degli Sloane che nel 1560 e dopo parì i danni della decadenza dell’arte fù nel 1869 ritornata alla antica forma seguendo le tracce della prima costruzione del 1295.. Si conservarono per la storia della pittura gli affreschi del Martellini dipinti nel 1837.. This campaign specifically involved the removal of the Vasarian altars along the side aisles and of the Vasarian additions to the high altar chapel, both of which were ordered by Grand Duke Cosimo I in the 1560s.. While Vasari’s side aisle altars were never removed due to a lack of funding from the Kingdom and the city, restoration of the high altar to its pre-Vasarian state was begun in 1869, when the Opera was able to attain funding from the Alberti family, who had been the patrons of the high altar since 1348.. See Marcia Hall,.. Renovation and Counter-Reformation: Vasari and Duke Cosimo in Santa Maria Novella and Santa Croce 1565–1577.. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 17–18 and 170–71; and Henk Th.. van Veen,.. Cosimo I de’ Medici and his Self-Representation in Florentine Art and Culture.. Andrew P.. McCormick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 117–221.. Luigi Mussini, “Les travaux de restauration de l’église de Santa Croce a Florence,” in.. Scritti d’arte.. (Florence: Le Monnier, 1880), 214.. This paper was originally read at the French Institute on February 2, 1870 and published in.. L’art.. 18 (1879): 258–60.. Mussini notes, at 204–5, that the gray, stone altar table (now visible on the church’s high altar) was reconstructed according to the traces of the original eighteen colonettes found when Vasari’s altar was dismantled and that a triptych in the style of Giotto was made to replace Ugolino da Siena’s 1320 altarpiece.. On the dismantling of the Vasarian altar, see Litta Medri, “Fortuna e decadenza dell'altare vasariano in Santa Croce,” in Maffioli,.. Santa Croce nell'800.. , 250–63.. The triptych, still on the altar today, is a pastiche of panels by Niccolò di Pietro Gerini and Giovanni del Biondo, among those of other 14th-century artists.. The restoration of the Bargello (1859–65) was also conceived of as a political exorcism.. See Thompson, “Reviving ‘the past greatness of the Florentine people’; and Allie Terry, Criminals and Tourists: Prison History and Museum Politics at the Bargello in Florence,.. 5 (December 2010) 836–55.. Jean-Baptiste Malou,.. De l’Immaculée Conception de la très-sainte Vierge Marie: Ou de la meilleure manière de représenter ce mystère.. (Brussels: H.. Goemaere, 1856), 31–45.. Malou was also an important figure in the Gothic revival in Belgium.. See Andrew Sanders, “Church Architecture and Religious Art,” in Gilley and Stanley,.. World Christianities c.. , 113.. Mary Heiman, “Catholic Revivalism in Worship and Devotion,” in Gilley and Stanley,.. , 71.. Raymond Jonas,.. France and the Cult of the Sacred Heart: An Epic Tale for Modern Times.. (Berkeley: Univ.. of California Press, 2009), 14.. Daniele Menozzi,.. Sacro Cuore: Un culto tra devozione interior e restaurazione Cristiana della societ.. à.. (Rome, Viella, 2001), 21–35.. James F.. McMillan, “Catholic Christianity in France from the Restoration to the Separation of Church and State, 1815–1905,” in Gilley and Stanley,.. , 220.. Jonas,.. France and the Cult of the Sacred Heart.. , also makes connections between the cult of Marguerite-Marie and the monarchy in France.. Menozzi,.. Sacro Cuore.. , 35–57, discusses the relationship between dedication to the Sacred Heart, the French Monarchy and eschatology.. See Anthony J.. Steinhoff, “Christianity and the Creation of Germany,” in Gilley and Stanley,.. , 291; and, on Spain, David M.. Thompson, “Popular Religion and Irreligion in Countryside and Town,” in Gilley and Stanley,.. , 200.. Cardinal Luigi Lambruschini,.. A Polemical Treatise on the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary.. To Which is Added a History of the Doctrine by Father Felix, S.. J.. (Sadlier: New York, 1855), 71–72.. Lambruschini’s text was originally published in Italian as.. Sull’Immacolato Concepimento di Maria.. (Rome: Vatican, 1843).. Lambruschini also makes several references to Sophronios’s theology and includes Sophronois’s verses in the prayers at the end of the text.. Edward D.. O’Connor,.. The Dogma of the Immaculate Conception: History and Significance.. (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1958), 68–69.. , 116.. , 92–93.. , 95.. See: “Adiutricem, Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on the Rosary, September 5, 1895,” Papal Encyclicals Online, last accessed June 18, 2012,.. net/Leo13/l13adiut.. Dogma of the Immaculate Conception.. , 157.. For the full text of the treatise, see Carlo Passaglia,.. De Immaculato Deiparae semper Virginis Conceptu commentarius.. , 3 vols.. (Rome: Vatican, 1854–55).. The Roman Breviary Reformed.. , By Order of the Holy Oecumenical Council of Trent; Published by order of Pope St.. Pius V and revised by Clement VIII and Urban VIII, Together with the Offices since granted, Trans.. From Latin into English by John, Marquess of Bute, vol.. 2 (London and Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1879).. The office for the Immaculate Conception is appended onto the very end of volume two with separate pagination.. For a history of the feast of the Immaculate Conception, see Heinrich Kellner,.. Heortology: A History of the Christian Festivals from their Origin to the Present Day.. , Trans.. from 2nd German ed.. by a Priest of the Diocese of Westminster (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co.. , 1908), 239–64.. Kellner criticizes Passaglia for conflating the Immaculate Conception with the Virgin’s conception of Christ in order to include ancient Christian texts in his argument for the veracity of the doctrine.. William Bernard Ullathorne,.. The Immaculate Conception of the Mother of God: An Exposition.. (London: Richardson and Sons, 1855), 125.. Ullathorne, 112, also argues that the Immaculate nature of Mary’s conception was never doubted in the Greek east, and he cites numerous examples of theologians who describe Mary’s nature.. Because the idea was not disputed, according to Ullathorne, the Immaculate Conception was not formulated or argued against in the early church.. Mirella Levi D’Ancona,.. The Iconography of the Immaculate Conception in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance.. (New York: College Art Association), 20.. Levi D’Ancona disagrees with Montgomery Carmichael’s statement in his.. Francia’s Masterpiece: An Essay on the Beginnings of the Immaculate Conception in Art.. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co, 1909), xvii, that official images of the Immaculate Conception only appeared after Sixtus IV created the office of the Immaculate Conception.. See John Duns Scotus,.. Four Questions on Mary.. trans.. Allan B.. Wolter (St.. Bonaventure, NY: The Franciscan Institute, 2000), 22–55.. For a discussion of the Scholastics’ debates on the subject, see O’Connor,.. , 187–212.. Michelle A.. Erhardt, “The Immaculate Kiss Beneath the Golden Gate: The Influence of John Duns Scotus on Florentine Painting of the 14th Century,”.. Franciscan Studies.. 66 (2008): 269–80.. Francia’s Masterpiece.. , Carmichael places Francia’s altarpiece, created ca.. 1517 for a now-destroyed chapel of the Conception in San Frediano, within the context of early Immaculate Conception imagery in Lucca, where the Franciscans led an early devotion to the doctrine.. Susan Steer, “.. tota pulchra, et formosa es Maria et macula originalis non est in te.. : The Congregation of Clergy at Santa Maria Formosa, Venice, and their Altar of the Immaculate Conception,”.. Artibus et historiae.. 53 (2006): 111–12.. On the Sienese dedication to the Immaculata, see Mauro Mussolin, “The Rise of the New Civic Ritual of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin in Sixteenth-century Siena,”.. Renaissance Studies.. 2 (April 2006): 253–75.. See Suzanne Stratton,.. The Immaculate Conception in Spanish Art.. (New York and London: Cambridge University Press, 1994) for more on the Baroque imagery most closely associated with the Virgin Immaculate.. I explore De Matteis’s adherence to Didron’s principles and his use of medieval technique in detail in “State of Stained Glass in 19th-Century Italy.. ” I have summarized his use of medieval technique here.. See Eva Frodl-Kraft, “Die ‘Figur im Langpaß’ in der österreicher Glasmalerie und die Naumburger Westchor-Verglasung,” in.. Kunst des Mittelalters in Sachsen.. Elisabeth Hütter (Weimar: Böhlau, 1967), 309–14; and Frank Martin, “Le vetrate gotiche di San Francesco in Assisi.. Contributi renani alla decorazione iniziale della Chiesa Superiore,” in.. Il gotico europeo in Italia.. Valentino Pace and Martina Bagnoli (Naples: Electa, 1994), 181–93, esp.. 182.. Almost all of the 14th-century stained glass in Santa Croce and the late 14th-century windows in the Florentine Cathedral are composed of figures on a blue ground.. For images of many of these windows, see: BIVI, Banca Ipermediale delle Vetrate Italiane, Italian Stained Glass Windows Database, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche Istituto per la Conservazione e la Valorizzazione dei Beni Culturali, last accessed December 26, 2012,.. icvbc.. cnr.. it/bivi.. Antonio da Pisa, “Memmoria del magisterio de fare fenestre de vetro,” in.. Vetrate: arte e restauro.. (Milan: Silvana, 1991), 56.. I explore 19th-century concepts of medieval religiosity in my essay “Architectural Restoration and Stained Glass in Nineteenth-Century Siena: The Place of Light in Giuseppe Partini’s.. Purismo.. The Year’s Work in Medievalism.. Gwendolyn Morgan 19 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock,.. 2004): 41–53.. Sloane also paid for the completion of the façade of Santa Croce by sculptor Niccola Matas.. See See Oreste Raggi,.. La chiesa di Santa Croce e la sua facciata dell’architetto Cav.. Niccola Matas.. (Florence: Cellini, 1863) for a contemporary account of the fundraising for the Santa Croce façade.. Unfortunately, no drawings of De Matteis’s windows survive in the archives of Santa Croce.. The most comprehensive biography of Wiseman is Wilfrid Ward’s.. The Life and Times of Cardinal Wiseman.. , 2 vols.. (London, New York, Bombay and Calcutta: Longmans, Green, and Co.. : 1912).. Ward was a convert to Catholicism and a close friend of Wiseman, and Ward’s biography reflects the men’s shared ultramontane viewpoint.. Later biographies of Wiseman discuss with a more critical eye Wiseman’s obedience to the Roman Church in the face of criticism from English Protestants and Catholics.. See Brian Fothergill,.. Nicholas Wiseman.. (New York: Doubleday, 1965); and Richard Schiefen,.. Nicholas Wiseman and the Transformation of English Catholicism.. (Shepherdstown, WV: Patmos Press, 1984).. Schiefen in particular discusses Wiseman’s role in the Catholic revival and in advocating ultramontanism among Catholics in Great Britain.. Most of the details of Sloane’s life are outlined by Gianluca Salvatori in his self-published volume.. Spall: Vita e virtù di Francis Joseph Sloane.. (Florence, 2008).. I thank Gianna Iandelli for sharing Salvatori’s text with me.. Giancarlo Gentilini includes Sloane in his essay “Arti applicate, tradizione artistica fiorentina e committenti stranieri,” in.. L’idea di Firenze: Temi e interpretazioni nell'arte straniera dell'Ottocento.. Maurizio Bossi (Florence: Centro Dì, 1989), 159–61.. Gianna Iandelli, “Francis Joseph Sloane: La villa di Careggi e il mito mediceo nell'Ottocento,” (Thesis, University of Florence, 1997), 17, 27.. A copy of Iandelli’s thesis is in the Biblioteca Vieusseux in Florence.. , 45.. Ward,.. Life and Times of Cardinal Wiseman.. 1:531.. Wiseman was at Sloane’s home in the city of Florence.. Salvatori,.. Spall: Vita e virtù.. Patrick J.. Wiseman,.. Sermons on Our Lord Jesus Christ and on his Blessed Mother by his Eminence the Late Cardinal Wiseman.. (Dublin: James Duffay; London: Paternoster-Row, 1866), 289–306.. On Wiseman’s elevation to cardinal, see chapter 17 of Ward,.. , 1:502–37.. On the place of Catholicism in 19th-century Great Britain, see John Wolffe, “Anglicanism, Presbyterianism and the Religious Identities of the United Kingdom,” in Gilley and Stanley,.. , 301–22.. , 2:108–10..

    Original link path: /index.php/spring13/thompson-the-catholic-revival-in-19th-century-florence
    Open archive

  • Title: about the journal
    Descriptive info: Vision Statement.. Publisher.. Editors and Editorial Advisory Board.. Electronic Publishing.. Guidelines for Article Submissions.. Guidelines for Book/Exhibition Review Submissions.. Style Sheet.. Translations.. ISSN number.. Founded in 2002,.. Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide.. is a scholarly, refereed e-journal devoted to the study of nineteenth-century painting, sculpture, graphic arts, photography, architecture, and decorative arts across the globe.. Open to various historical and theoretical approaches, the editors welcome contributions that reach across national boundaries and illuminate intercultural contact zones.. The chronological scope of the journal is the "long" nineteenth century, stretching from the American and French Revolutions, at one end, to the outbreak of World War I, at the other.. Because the nineteenth century represents the beginning of the formation of a "global culture," the journal covers  ...   States, and Germany.. The editors of the journal are making a particular effort to solicit articles that cover the arts in other areas of the world as well.. In addition to articles,.. publishes book and exhibition reviews.. Here, the objective is not only to be timely, (taking advantage of the speed of on-line delivery), but to review books and exhibitions that might not get a great deal of press elsewhere, either because the subjects are outside the mainstream or, in the case of exhibitions, because they take place in less accessible venues.. The goal of the journal, in sum, is the expansion--especially the geographical expansion--of the nineteenth-century canon, and, relatedly, the demonstration of the interconnectedness of the artistic achievements of different nations..

    Original link path: /index.php/about-the-journal
    Open archive

  • Title: past issues
    Descriptive info: Autumn 2012 | Volume 11, Issue 3.. Anne Helmreich and Pamela Fletcher, "Local/Global: Mapping Nineteenth-Century London's Art Market"; Chelsea Foxwell, "Toshio Aoki, a Japanese Artist in California"; Camelia Erroune reviews.. Empress Eugénie and the Arts: Politics and Visual Culture in the Nineteenth Century.. by Alison McQueen; Alba Campo Rosillo reviews.. Snapshot: Painters and Photography, 1888–1915.. Summer 2012 | Volume 11, Issue 2.. Special Issue in Honor of Patricia Mainardi.. Heather Lemonedes, "A Neoclassical Drawing by John Flaxman"; Caterina Y.. Pierre, "Louis-Ernest Barrias and Modern Allegories of Technology"; Craig Houser, "Reviving the American Art-Union and the Market for United States Art in the Gilded Age".. Spring 2012 | Volume 11, Issue 1.. Tania Woloshyn, "Aesthetic and Therapeutic Imprints: Artists and Invalids on the Côte d'Azur, ca.. 1890–1910"; Karl Whittington, "Caspar David Friedrich's Medieval Burials"; James H.. Rubin reviews The New Courbet Museum Opening and Exhibition,.. Courbet/Clésinger.. ; Alba Campo Rosillo reviews.. Russia's Unknown Orient: Orientalist Painting 1850–1920.. Autumn 2011 | Volume 10, Issue 2.. Anja Butenschön, "An Expiatory Chapel for Marie-Antoinette"; Jacqueline Marie Musacchio, "The Copyist Emma Conant Church in Paris and Rome"; Cheryl K.. Snay reviews reviews.. Grandville and the Missouri Album.. Getty; Marjorie Schreiber Kinsey reviews.. Nineteenth-Century Landscape Photographers in the Americas: Artists, Journeymen or Entrepreneurs?.. Spring 2011 | Volume 10, Issue 1.. Chris Coltrin on Three Paintings of the Exodus by John Martin, Francis Danby, and David Roberts; Thor J.. Mednick on Danish Internationalism; Taylor J.. Acosta reviews.. Victoria Albert: Art Love.. edited by Jonathan Marsden; Sietske Roorda reviews.. Menzel's Extreme Realism.. ;.. Normandie impressionniste.. : An Art Historical Travelogue by James Rubin.. Autumn 2010 | Volume 9, Issue 2.. Lela Graybill on Madame Tussaud's Chamber of Horrors; Keren Rosa Hammerschlag on Frederic Leighton's.. And the Sea Gave Up the Dead Which Were In It.. ; Laurinda S.. Dixon reviews.. The Gargoyles of Notre-Dame: Medievalism and the Monsters of Modernity.. by Michael Camille; Marsha Morton reviews.. Edvard Munch and the Uncanny.. ; Caterina Y.. Pierre reviews.. Matisse Rodin.. Spring 2010 | Volume 9, Issue 1.. Susan Waller on A Group of Self-Portraits by Jean-Léon Gérôme; Robert Machado on The Politics of Applied Color in Early Photography; Theresa Leininger-Miller reviews.. Bessie Potter Vonnoh: Sculptor of Women.. by Julie Aronson, with an essay by Janis Conner; Sura Levine reviews.. James Ensor.. ; Rachel Esner reviews.. Van Gogh's Letters.. The Artist Speaks.. Autumn 2009 | Volume 8, Issue 2.. Scott Allan on Gustave Moreau's "Archaeological Allegory"; Ann Elias on Fantin-Latour in Australia; Marc Fehlmann reviews.. Ferdinand Hodler.. Catalogue Raisonné.. by Oskar Bätschmann and Paul Müller; Philippa Kaina reviews.. Edgar Degas: Intimität und Pose.. Spring 2009 | Volume 8, Issue 1.. Pamela Warner on Rhetorical Strategies in Edmond de Goncourt's.. Japonisme..  ...   ; Willa Z.. Silverman reviews.. Sarah Bernhardt: The Art of High Drama.. ; Adrienne Childs reviews.. Portraits of a People: Picturing African Americans in the Nineteenth Century.. Spring 2006 | Volume 5, Issue 1.. Therese Dolan on Manet's portrait of Emilie Ambre as Carmen; Heather Belnap Jensen on the.. Journal des Dames et des Modes.. ; New Discoveries:Eugène Delacroix's.. Portrait of Charles de Verninac.. , 1825-26; Nancy Scott reviews.. Italian Memorial Sculpture.. ; Brooks Beaulieu reviews.. Girodet.. Autumn 2005 | Volume 4, Issue 3.. Marc Fehlmann on the intended reconstruction of the Parthenon on Calton Hill; Nancy Siegel on Albert Bierstadt; Sarah Burns reviews.. Eve's Daughter/Modern Woman.. ; Daniel Harkett reviews.. The Power of Conversation: Jewish Women and Their Salons.. Spring 2006 | Volume 4, Issue 2: Art Nouveau and Siegfried Bing.. Special issue on Art Nouveau and Siegfried Bing, co-sponsored by the Van Gogh Museum Amsterdam.. Guest edited by Gabriel P.. Wiesberg.. Spring 2005 | Volume 4, Issue 1.. Nancy Locke on Manet's Oceanic Feeling; Sarah Sik on John Scott Bradstreet and the Decorative Arts Revival in America; Elizabeth Guffey reviews.. A History of Modern Design.. ; Alan C.. Braddock reviews.. From Homer to the Harem.. Autumn 2004 | Volume 3, Issue 2.. Susan Sidlauskas on Emotion, Color, Cézanne (The Portraits of Hortense; Alan C.. Braddock's Painting the World's Christ; Greg M.. Thomas reviews.. Orientalist Aesthetics.. ; Amy Ogata reviews Shock of the Old: Christopher Dresser.. Spring 2004 | Volume 3, Issue 1.. James Smalls' Slavery is a Woman; Phylis A.. Floyd on The Puzzle of.. Olympia.. ; Julie L'Enfant reviews.. The Rescue of Romanticism.. ; Katherine Kuenzli reviews.. Édouard Vuillard.. Autumn 2003 | Volume 2, Issue 3.. Dario Gamboni on Gauguin's.. Genesis of a Picture.. ; Lionel Gossman on the Nazarenes; William Hauptmann reviews.. Carolus Duran, 1837–1917.. ; Kristi Holden reviews.. W.. Waterhouse.. by Peter Trippi.. Spring 2003 | Volume 2, Issue 2: The Darwin Effect.. Special issue exploring the influence of evolution on nineteenth-century visual culture, edited by Linda Nochlin and Martha Lucy.. Winter 2003 | Volume 2, Issue 1.. Maura Coughlin on "Millet's Milkmaids"; Paul A.. Manoguerra on Albert Bierstadt's.. Roman Fish Market.. ; Janet Whitmore reviews.. American Sublime.. Thomas Eakins: An American Realist.. Autumn 2002 | Volume 1, Issue 2.. Annette Leduc Beaulieu and Brooks Beaulieu on The Thadée Natanson Panels; Sébastien Clerbois "In Search of the.. Forme-Pensée.. "; Karal Ann Marling reviews.. Candace Wheeler: The Art and Enterprise of American Design, 1875-1900.. Spring 2002 | Volume 1, Issue 1.. Commentaries on the future of nineteenth-century art by Annette Blaugrund, Werner Busch and others; Joy Sperling on the Art Union in the U.. and Britain; William Hauptman reviews.. Louise Breslau: De l'impressionnisme aux années folles..

    Original link path: /index.php/past-issues
    Open archive

  • Title: help
    Descriptive info: Viewing the Site.. Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide is viewable in the following browsers: Internet Explorer 9 and up, Mozilla Firefox 4 and up, Apple Safari, and Google Chrome.. If you don't have the latest version of these browsers you can download them for free at:.. Internet Explorer:.. microsoft.. com/windows/ie.. Mozilla Firefox:.. mozilla.. com/firefox.. Apple Safari:.. apple.. com/safari/.. Google Chrome:.. google.. com/chrome.. Printing from the Site.. Printed versions are available for each article and review..  ...   of all images are viewable by clicking on the images themselves, or on their captions.. Pop-up versions of the images can be moved anywhere within the browser window by clicking and dragging.. Clicking on the enlarged image will close the pop-up.. If you have any technical questions or discover any problems with the site, please email the webmaster, Emily Pugh, at emily[at]emilypugh.. All other questions should be directed to the appropriate member of the..

    Original link path: /index.php/help
    Open archive


  • Archived pages: 626